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literature, I would argue that there must be more than four phonemes <strong>and</strong> more than<br />

twelve surface vowels. Consider the following minimal pair:<br />

(1) mat [m ƒ åt ƒ ] 'be full' (after eating)<br />

maat [m ƒ ååt ƒ ] 'all gone'<br />

In this example, a difference in vowel length – short as in mat <strong>and</strong> long as in maat –<br />

results in a difference in the meaning <strong>of</strong> the word. Since the vowels <strong>of</strong> both words are<br />

surrounded by the same consonants, vowel length cannot be determined by the<br />

surrounding consonants. Therefore, it seems that long <strong>and</strong> short vowels are separate<br />

phonemes <strong>and</strong> that long vowels should be added to the phoneme inventory.<br />

As this issue has never been investigated, I am unsure if all Marshallese short<br />

vowels have corresponding long vowels. Therefore, I will not include them in Table 4,<br />

which lists Marshallese surface vowel forms. As long vowels are written with two vowels<br />

(i.e. a represents [å] <strong>and</strong> aa, [å:]), this issue is not essential to any discussion that follows<br />

<strong>and</strong> will therefore be set aside for now.<br />

Table 4. Marshallese vowels<br />

(adapted from Choi 1992 <strong>and</strong> Hale 2000)<br />

[-back, -round] [+back, -round] [+back, +round]<br />

i µ u<br />

I F U<br />

e √ o<br />

E å ç<br />

When a vowel appears between consonants having different secondary places <strong>of</strong><br />

articulation, the vowel consists <strong>of</strong> a smooth transition from one target to another (Bender<br />

1968, Choi 1992, Hale 2000). There are, therefore, twenty-four Marshallese diphthongs,<br />

six at each specification <strong>of</strong> height <strong>and</strong> ATR.<br />

12

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