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6.5.2 Monoclausal infinitives – type 1<br />

Table 23. Marshallese non-restructuring verbs<br />

motion<br />

bōjrak 'stop'<br />

melōklōk 'forget'<br />

lōmnak 'plan'<br />

kāālōt 'decide'<br />

stative verbs<br />

kōjatdiktik 'hope'<br />

makoko 'refuse'<br />

kallimur 'promise'<br />

likjab 'fail'<br />

The second class <strong>of</strong> verbs, which are found in monoclausal infinitival, differs from the<br />

first class in that they need not be followed by in.<br />

(559) a. Takwōj e-aikuj in lim-i jaki ko.<br />

Takwōj 3s.agr-need IN fold.trans-obj mat the.pl.nh<br />

'Takwōj needs to fold the mats.'<br />

b. Takwōj e-aikuj lim-i jaki ko.<br />

Takwōj 3s.agr-need fold.trans-obj mat the.pl.nh<br />

'Takwōj needs to fold the mats.'<br />

(560) a. Kōrā ro r-ar jino in āj.<br />

woman the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(past) start.trans IN weave.intrans<br />

'The women started to weave.'<br />

b. Kōrā ro r-ar jino āj.<br />

woman the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(past) start.trans weave.intrans<br />

'The women started to weave.'<br />

Speakers have indicated that there are no meaning differences between those sentences<br />

with in <strong>and</strong> those without in.<br />

In monoclausal infinitives, the subject may not immediately follow the matrix<br />

verb, regardless <strong>of</strong> whether in is present.<br />

243

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