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means that the matrix verb does not assign a theta role to the subject of a functional restructuring sentence. Since it does not assign a theta role to the subject, the matrix verb should not impose selectional restrictions on the subject. In the case of Marshallese functional restructuring verbs, this turns out to be the case. First let us examine infinitival sentences that include weather verbs. Since weather verbs do not have a theta role to assign, sentences with weather verbs have dummy subjects, as illustrated by (590). (590) E-wōt. 3s.agr-rain 'It's raining.' This being the case, if a weather verb is the embedded verb of an infinitival sentence, any theta role assigned to the matrix subject would have to be assigned by the matrix verb. This is because the matrix verb is the only verb in the sentence with a theta role to assign. However if the matrix verb does not assign a theta role to the subject, then dummy subjects, which do not require a theta role, should be possible. In Marshallese, dummy subjects are possible in infinitivals with embedded weather verbs and functional restructuring matrix verbs: (591) E-aikuj wōt. 3s.agr-need rain 'It needs to rain.' (592) E-maron# wōt. 3s.agr-might rain 'It might rain.' (593) E-j jino wōt. 3s.agr-T(pres) start rain 'It's starting to rain.' 254
However, dummy subject are not possible in infinitivals with non-restructuring matrix verbs and embedded weather verbs: (594) *E-ar lōmnak in wōt. 3s.agr-T(past) plan IN rain 'It planned to rain.' (595) *E-kar makoko in wōt. 3s.agr-T(past) refuse IN rain 'It refused to rain.' Therefore, we can conclude that restructuring verbs do not assign theta roles to their subjects but non-restructuring verbs do. This conclusion is also supported by sentences with inanimate subjects. Inanimate subjects are incompatible with non-restructuring verbs. This is because these verbs assign an agent theta role to the subject. As a result, the subjects of these sentences must be something or someone capable of being an agent and of planning in the case of (596) or refusing in the case of (597). (596) *Accident eo e-ar lōmnak in ka-bōjrak ri-koot eo. accident the.s 3s.agr-T(past) plan IN cause-stop one.who-steal the.s 'The accident planned to stop the thief.' (597) *Mweo e-j makoko in ka-mijak Jebro. the.house 3s.agr-T(pres) refuse IN cause-be.afraid Jebro 'The house refuses to frighten Jebro.' With restructuring verbs, however, inanimate subjects are possible. (598) Accident eo e-j aikuj in ka-bōjrak ri-koot eo. accident the.s 3s.agr-T(pres) need IN cause-stop one.who-steal the.s 'The accident needs to stop the thief.' (599) Accident eo e-j maron# ka-bōjrak ri-koot eo. accident the.s 3s.agr-T(pres) might cause-stop one.who-steal the.s 'The accident might to stop the thief.' 255
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES .
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3.3.2.4 Final subjects and right di
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Location
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .intrans intr
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many peo
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Marshallese teachers in Majuro: Isa
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VITA October 29, 1974 Born, Mesa, A
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ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Subjec
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Chapter 1. Introduction Why study l
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Figure 1. Location of the Republic
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their late childhood years. All con
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fewer then 10,000 speakers. These l
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phonological and information status
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three secondary places of articulat
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Table 5. Marshallese diphthongs (ad
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showing the orthography used by the
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Demonstratives also have a human/no
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(11) E-ar den#ōt ladik ro. E-ar de
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languages, in which "a disjunctive
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(30) a. Mary e-kar lotak ilo Namori
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2.2.5 Adjectives 6 Marshallese has
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When ka- prefixes to an intransitiv
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In examples containing the causativ
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However, this verb is more complica
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When the verb contains a high vowel
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(64) Oror eo, piik eo e-ar kokkure.
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(70) ar 'toward the lagoon side' ā
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intransitive or transitive form (if
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Ungrammatical examples, in which th
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2.2.6.4.5 Underlyingly transitive -
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(94) intransitive transitive Englis
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(100) I-lukkuun kōnaan eon#ōd ek.
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(104) Noun Verb Source at 'hat' ata
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an 'won't', negative future. (109)
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There is also an adverb that relate
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. *Kw-ar le ke lok mōn#ā eo n#an
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morphemes are possible. Based on th
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(141) Laddik nana eo e-ar etal im k
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In addition to the standard relativ
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(153) Leddik eo e-ar koot-e būruo-
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Table 12. Possessive classifiers 13
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(165) Bōlen i-naaj wia a-n Mary ju
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2.3.3.1 Verbless sentences There is
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2.3.3.2 Sentences with overt verbs
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(188) Ritti bwebwenato eo mokta ipp
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(198) *Ke John e-j kōnono ippā-n
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(205) a. I-jaje e-j ke ka-ire kaula
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ta 'what' (210) a. Ta ko kidu ko re
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with a plural agreement clitic (220
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2.3.4.2.3.3 Class 3 There are also
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2.3.4.2.5 Resumptive elements With
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equired in an indirect wh- question
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. Mary e-ar ron# n#āāt eo Jikko e
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3.1 Introduction Chapter 3. Basic W
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sentence final This term refers to
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have right dislocated subjects. I w
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But it is possible for the PP argum
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First, the subject may be sentence
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The generalization for those transi
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*V S CP b.*E-kōnaan pastō eo bwe
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V S CP b. E-ar jelā kōrā eo bwe
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S V (288) a. Irooj ro re-naaj ettō
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V PP S (293) Re-j kōnono ippā-n l
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This sentence includes a pause of a
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Sentences with internal subjects la
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Right dislocation refers to a proce
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(272) Rej bōkĜok bwiro ko [pause]
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Gundel (1974) and Chafe (1976, 1987
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3.3.2.2 Indefinites A second diagno
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If we first investigate whether the
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The second context in which these s
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information status of internal subj
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Mokilese also allows variable word
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(329) a. Mwet sac arulac puhlaik. p
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Chapter 4. The Structure of Marshal
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V S (289) b. E-ju ni eo. 3s.agr-be.
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(339) a. Bilal e-naaj ke etal n#an
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(347) a. Kidu eo e-kar kōpl-e. dog
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4.1.2 Adverbs and the negative Anot
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When combined with constituency evi
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such as wh- or focus movement. Sinc
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(364) AgrSP prom AgrS e 3s AgrS' T
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(367) a. R-ar bar unojidrikdrik kō
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correct, as illustrated by the fact
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Bajjek must precede the internal su
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vP coordination; and across the boa
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In order for this to be the correct
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(384) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' T 4.2.5
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features. Therefore, if the subject
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position higher in the structure th
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Given this ordering, if bar precede
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(398) a. Li individuano facilmente,
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(401) [R-ar tutu i ar] im [r-ar eon
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(409) R-ar tutu [i lik leddik ro] i
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However, there are two flaws with t
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phonological pattern seems to be on
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(415) AgrSPm tl AgrS r 3pl AgrS' Vj
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4.4 The structure of sentences with
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*V S O PP (423) [FocP [AgrSP [AccP
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Table 19. Subject position with CP
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specifier of the verb phrase. If th
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But there are no sentence modifying
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5.1 Introduction Chapter 5. Passive
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words, how do we really know that M
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intransitive form of the verb. Alte
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(444) a. R-ar lemelm jaki ko ilo mw
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(452) Ilo manit in Majel, leddik re
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Agent phrases headed by these three
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(462) *Nuknuk eo a-ō e-būrōrō i
Page 221 and 222: (469) a. Mon wia eo e-ar etal. plac
Page 223 and 224: c. *Irooj ro r-ar bōnbōn in leroo
Page 225 and 226: the stative form. For example, jebj
Page 227 and 228: Stative sentences also allow postve
Page 229 and 230: . E-abwinmake likao eo jān jine-n.
Page 231 and 232: c. *Leddik eo e-kar den#den# in lad
Page 233 and 234: Instead, Collins proposes the struc
Page 235 and 236: (514) This structure also includes
Page 237 and 238: (515) DPj amimōno ko 'the handcraf
Page 239 and 240: 5.5.2 Sentences internal subjects a
Page 241 and 242: (518) In passives, the VP must move
Page 243 and 244: (519) AgrSP AgrS r 3pl In accordanc
Page 245 and 246: But in a sentence containing an ipp
Page 247 and 248: 5.7 Summary In this chapter, I have
Page 249 and 250: verbs have two important properties
Page 251 and 252: The data presented in Table 21 show
Page 253 and 254: (532) c. *Kōrā ro r-ar lōmnak in
Page 255 and 256: Despite appearing to occupy the sam
Page 257 and 258: It is difficult to distinguish betw
Page 259 and 260: (551) a. Ri-jerakrōk ro r-ar i-tok
Page 261 and 262: 6.5.2 Monoclausal infinitives - typ
Page 263 and 264: The subject may also be sentence fi
Page 265 and 266: (572) Kweilok eo e-ar ijjino in Wat
Page 267 and 268: (578) a. *E-ar kajjion# taktō eo i
Page 269 and 270: Wurmbrand shows that, in the case o
Page 271: difficulty articulating the differe
Page 275 and 276: (601) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' TP T Th
Page 277 and 278: (604) DPj jaki ko 'the mats' AgrSP
Page 279 and 280: and incorporates with Voice. Thus a
Page 281 and 282: others. The behavior of the differe
Page 283 and 284: verbs that moved to X, we would exp
Page 285 and 286: internal, then the movement of the
Page 287 and 288: Chapter 7. Conclusions and Discussi
Page 289 and 290: References Abo, Takaji, Byron W. Be
Page 291 and 292: Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist Inq
Page 293 and 294: Kayne, Richard S. 1994. The Antisym
Page 295 and 296: Rizzi, Luigi. 2001. On the position
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