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Conceived in Liberty Volume 2 - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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keep this property, exchange it for the property of others, or bequeath it to<br />

his heirs.* He has the "natural right" to the property and to defend it<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>in</strong>vasion by others. The moral justification for government, to Locke,<br />

was to defend these rights of property. Should government fail to serve this<br />

function, and itself become destructive of property rights, the people then have<br />

the right to revolt aga<strong>in</strong>st such government and to replace it with one that<br />

will defend their rights.** Thus, Locke, by the use of reason <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>vestigat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the laws of man's nature, adumbrated the doctr<strong>in</strong>e of the natural rights<br />

of the <strong>in</strong>dividual to person and property, rights that are anterior to government<br />

and that government is duty-bound to defend, on pa<strong>in</strong> of a justified<br />

overthrow.<br />

Locke is clear that aggression and <strong>in</strong>vasion of another's right can establish<br />

no just title to property or rule, and that this holds for great heads of states<br />

as well as for petty crim<strong>in</strong>als: "The <strong>in</strong>jury and the crime is equal, whether<br />

committed by the wearer of a crown or some petty villa<strong>in</strong>. The title of the<br />

offender and the number of his followers make no difference unless it be to<br />

aggravate it. The only difference is, great robbers punish little ones to keep<br />

them <strong>in</strong> their obedience, but the great ones are rewarded with laurels and<br />

triumphs, because they are too big for the weak hands of justice <strong>in</strong> this<br />

world, and have the power <strong>in</strong> their own possession which should punish<br />

offenders." As to the legislature,<br />

The reason why men enter <strong>in</strong>to society is the preservation of their property;<br />

and the end why they choose and authorize a legislature is that there may be<br />

laws made, and rules set, as guards and fences to the properties of all the<br />

members of the society . . . whenever the legislators endeavor to take away<br />

and destroy the property of the people, or to reduce them to slavery under<br />

arbitrary power, they put themselves <strong>in</strong>to a state of war with the people, who<br />

are thereupon absolved from any farther obedience, and are left to the<br />

common refuge which God hath provided for all men aga<strong>in</strong>st force and<br />

violence.<br />

Locke's reply to the critics of his theory of revolution was trenchant:<br />

Those who oppose the right to revolution as turbulent and destructive "may<br />

as well say, upon the same ground, that honest men may not oppose robbers<br />

or pirates, because this may occasion disorder or bloodshed. If any mischief<br />

come <strong>in</strong> such cases, it is not to be charged upon him who defends his own<br />

right, but on him who <strong>in</strong>vades his neighbor's."<br />

*`Macpherson has shown that Locke's state of nature <strong>in</strong>cludes a free market for<br />

exchange of property, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g monetary exchanges, all of which is logically anterior<br />

to government (C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism<br />

[Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962], pp. 208 ff.).<br />

** It is a misconception to accuse Locke of sett<strong>in</strong>g "property rights" above "human<br />

rights." For the two were conjo<strong>in</strong>ed: property rights <strong>in</strong>cluded the right of the <strong>in</strong>dividual's<br />

property <strong>in</strong> his own person.<br />

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