RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
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<strong>and</strong> the already high levels of unemployment suggest that the majority of the refugees will not be<br />
integrated into the North Ossetian economy.<br />
The refugee crisis in the North Caucasus has exacerbated the general problems posed by<br />
high rates of unemployment in the region. These include: the strain on local housing <strong>and</strong><br />
infrastructure; the accompanying threat of epidemics; the rise in crime <strong>and</strong> social unrest that results<br />
from the en<strong>for</strong>ced idleness of young, healthy males; the threat perceived by residents of the republics<br />
from newcomers ‘stealing their jobs;’ <strong>and</strong> the additional burden placed on the state <strong>and</strong> the welfare<br />
system at a time of economic crisis. The inability of local governments to deal with the scale <strong>and</strong> the<br />
seriousness of this problem owing to a lack of resources <strong>and</strong> trained cadres is a consequent threat to<br />
regional stability. Discontent with the government <strong>and</strong> the frustration among refugees, registered in<br />
Dzutsev’s survey, has led to the establishment of opposition movements among refugees agitating<br />
<strong>for</strong> the resolution of their status in North Ossetia <strong>and</strong> other republics.<br />
The frustration among the Ossetian refugees is shared by their hosts. At a time of economic<br />
<strong>and</strong> political crisis <strong>and</strong> fierce competition over scarce resources, common ethnic heritage is no<br />
guarantee of harmonious relations. This is confirmed by recent reports from North Ossetia which<br />
suggest that residents of the republic associate the deteriorating economic situation <strong>and</strong> its attendant<br />
rise in crime with the influx of refugees. 166 In February 1995, under pressure from the indigenous<br />
population, the Central Electoral Commission of North Ossetia denied <strong>for</strong>ced migrants <strong>and</strong> refugees<br />
the right to vote in the March 1995 parliamentary elections, depriving several <strong>for</strong>mer refugees who<br />
were already registered as c<strong>and</strong>idates of critical support.<br />
Pushing the refugees to the margins of the political process in such a manner seems more<br />
likely to encourage the polarization of North Ossetian society <strong>and</strong> politics than to assuage the fears<br />
of the ‘indigenous’ Ossetian population––especially given the fact that the majority of Ossetian<br />
refugees show no desire to return to South Ossetia <strong>and</strong> there is, in any case, no official provision <strong>for</strong><br />
their repatriation. In this regard, North Ossetia serves as a mirror <strong>for</strong> all those republics <strong>and</strong> krais in<br />
the North Caucasus that have taken in large numbers of refugees from the region’s many conflicts.<br />
The War in Chechnya <strong>and</strong> the Problem of Refugees:<br />
The refugee crisis in the North Caucasus has been greatly aggravated by the war in<br />
Chechnya. By June 1995, according to the Russian Federal Migration Service, the war in Chechnya<br />
had added 380,000 refugees <strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong>ced migrants to more than 130,000 already officially registered<br />
in the North Caucasus be<strong>for</strong>e December 1994 (of whom over 80,000 were already from Chechnya).<br />
By the end of April 1995, an estimated one third of the Chechen population (450,000) had become<br />
refugees, most of them (360,000) scattered throughout the North Caucasus <strong>and</strong> elsewhere in the<br />
Russian Federation. 167<br />
166 CMG Bulletin, June 1995, p.51.<br />
167 OMRI Daily Digest, No. 86, 3 May 1995.<br />
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