RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...
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The Revival of the Cossacks in the North Caucasus:<br />
The revival of Cossack activity in 1989-1990 was catalyzed by the rise of non-Russian<br />
nationalism in the republics of the North Caucasus, <strong>and</strong> the corresponding dem<strong>and</strong>s of the North<br />
Caucasian peoples <strong>for</strong> increased political status <strong>and</strong> territorial change. In addition, an influx of<br />
refugees <strong>and</strong> migrants into Krasnodar <strong>and</strong> Stavropol’ from other areas of the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union in<br />
the same period encouraged a ‘nativist’ reaction from those who perceived themselves to be<br />
besieged by ‘new-comers.’<br />
Cossack clubs first began to spring up in Russia <strong>and</strong> in the North Caucasus in 1989, with<br />
Kuban Cossack clubs <strong>for</strong>med in Krasnodar, <strong>and</strong> Don Cossack clubs in Stavropol’. The first<br />
Congresses of Cossacks in Russia convened in 1990 <strong>and</strong> the first Congress of North Caucasian<br />
Cossacks took place in December 1991. At first, the Cossack clubs focused on ethno-cultural<br />
revival, encouraging a dual Russian-Cossack identity among the region’s Slavic inhabitants, <strong>and</strong><br />
promoting Cossacks as indigenous inhabitants of the North Caucasus on a par with the non-Russian<br />
“titular nationalities.”<br />
By 1991, however, with the passage of the Law on the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples,<br />
Cossack leaders felt that they had been given the right by the Russian government to restore<br />
previously existing Cossack territories. The Cossack Congresses thus <strong>for</strong>mulated political dem<strong>and</strong>s,<br />
including the transfer of Cossack enclaves from the republics to the jurisdiction of the ‘Russian’<br />
territories of Krasnodar <strong>and</strong> Stavropol’ <strong>and</strong> restrictions on migration into the region. However, there<br />
was considerable dissent among the Cossack leadership as to what ultimate status they should<br />
achieve from the satisfaction of these dem<strong>and</strong>s: the status of a military caste subordinate to the<br />
Russian government <strong>and</strong> state, or the status of a distinct ethnic group with its own national-territorial<br />
autonomy.<br />
As a result, since 1991, Cossack leaders have melded the two goals together, playing a dual<br />
game that appeals simultaneously to two different constituencies. At times, to both mollify its<br />
aggrieved non-Russian neighbors <strong>and</strong> strengthen its case <strong>for</strong> political attention, the Cossack<br />
movement has distanced itself from inept Russian policy in the region by claiming to be a distinct<br />
North Caucasian people equally repressed by the Russian imperial center <strong>and</strong> the Soviet regime. At<br />
others, it has attempted to win support from the Russian government by stressing the association<br />
with Russia <strong>and</strong> Russians, <strong>and</strong> linking the Cossack revival to the Russian national revival <strong>and</strong> the<br />
defense of the Russian state. 112 Both approaches have achieved results.<br />
Cossack Territorial Dem<strong>and</strong>s in the North Caucasus:<br />
Specifically, since 1990 Cossack territorial dem<strong>and</strong>s have included:<br />
112 For example, in 1991, on behalf of all the Cossack hosts of the Russian Federation, the Union of Cossack<br />
Armies of Russia expressed its willingness to work actively with the Russian government on issues such as the<br />
patrolling of borders, manning of customs posts, <strong>and</strong> local policing.<br />
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