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RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...

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Chechnya was operating; 122 <strong>and</strong> a h<strong>and</strong>ful of educated young idealists whose proposals <strong>for</strong> re<strong>for</strong>m<br />

were thwarted at every turn. They were all woefully ill-equipped to deal with the multiple challenges<br />

of creating a new Chechen nation state <strong>and</strong> creating a functioning market economy.<br />

Although there was a university, a pedagogical institute, a medical institute, <strong>and</strong> an oil <strong>and</strong><br />

gas institute in Grozny, none but the latter—given the importance of the oil industry in the region—<br />

could compete with facilities in the Russian Federation. Throughout the Soviet period, there was a<br />

consequent brain-drain of ambitious Chechen youth toward the Federation center. The most highlyskilled<br />

political cadres <strong>and</strong> economic specialists in Chechnya were, there<strong>for</strong>e, trained outside the<br />

republic <strong>and</strong> were often Russians assigned to work there by Moscow. Ethnic Russians, <strong>for</strong> example,<br />

accounted <strong>for</strong> around 20% of the total population <strong>and</strong> were the dominant group in Grozny <strong>and</strong> other<br />

key urban centers. Dzhokhar Dudayev himself was educated in elite Soviet military schools in<br />

Tambov <strong>and</strong> Moscow, <strong>and</strong> was assigned to a strategic bomber base in Tartu in Estonia until 1990.<br />

He came to Chechnya only on retirement from the Soviet air<strong>for</strong>ce. 123<br />

The Chechnya that Dudayev <strong>and</strong> the new elite inherited was an impoverished one. In the<br />

1980s, the rural regions of Checheno-Ingushetia where ethnic Chechens <strong>and</strong> Ingush predominated,<br />

had experienced a gradual economic decline as state resources were diverted towards industrial<br />

development <strong>and</strong> the booming oil industry. By the late 1980s, in spite of promises by the Soviet<br />

authorities to create jobs in the construction <strong>and</strong> food processing industries, rural unemployment had<br />

increased dramatically. According to unofficial estimates it reached as high as 30% of the total labor<br />

<strong>for</strong>ce in 1991 (20% in official estimates). 124 This unskilled Chechen <strong>and</strong> Ingush labor <strong>for</strong>ce was<br />

diverted beyond the borders of the republic to find seasonal work elsewhere, while skilled workers<br />

from the central regions of Russia were brought in to work in the oil industry. This<br />

create <br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

<br />

ased not only on its own total oil reserves of<br />

approximately 30 million tons, but also on the receipt from Russia of an average of 17-19 million<br />

tons of crude oil a year <strong>for</strong> processing at its refineries. As a result of Dudayev’s mish<strong>and</strong>ling of the<br />

relationship with Moscow, by 1994 crude oil refining in Chechnya had dropped to an all time low of<br />

122 Such as Yusef Shamsedin, the erstwhile Chechen Foreign Minister, who was born in Jordan.<br />

123 See <strong>for</strong> example, Steven Erlanger, “Chechen Warrior Chief: Soviet Army Credentials,” New York Times,<br />

December 15, 1994.<br />

124 See Vasil’eva <strong>and</strong> Muzaev, p.58-59.<br />

65

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