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RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...

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Soviet weaponry, including tanks <strong>and</strong> armored personnel carriers which allowed Dudayev to build<br />

up his military <strong>for</strong>ces.<br />

4. The Beginning of the Opposition Movement to Dudayev:<br />

After November 1991, Dudayev set about creating the state structures of government—<br />

including a new parliament. Authority was, however, concentrated in the h<strong>and</strong>s of the President.<br />

This resulted in the first of a series of political rifts within the <strong>for</strong>mer Executive Committee of the<br />

ANCCP. The internal power struggle between President <strong>and</strong> Parliament in Moscow, that began in<br />

1992, was mirrored in Grozny in the same period. In the initial phases of the struggle, Yaragi<br />

Mamodaev, who became Chechen Prime Minister in May 1992, pushed <strong>for</strong> the executive branch to<br />

be strengthened, <strong>and</strong> rejected parliamentary control over the activity of the government <strong>and</strong> its<br />

ministers. The parliamentary majority, however, headed by Parliament Chairman, Khusein<br />

Akhmadov, dem<strong>and</strong>ed that the government be <strong>for</strong>med only with the agreement of the parliament,<br />

<strong>and</strong> that the executive branch be accountable to the legislature.<br />

In the summer of 1992, contradictions within the Chechen government increased as a result<br />

of a dispute over the distribution of proceeds from the sale of Chechen oil <strong>and</strong> petroleum products.<br />

New political factions coalesced around Prime Minister Mamodaev <strong>and</strong> the Chairman of the Grozny<br />

Municipal Assembly Beslan Gantamirov; <strong>and</strong> around the head of the President’s Council on<br />

External Economic Relations, Ruslan Utsiev, <strong>and</strong> the Minster of the Interior, Sultan Albakov. The<br />

Democratic opposition in Chechnya also reasserted itself to dem<strong>and</strong> changes in the power structure<br />

<strong>and</strong> new elections.<br />

As far as relations with Moscow were concerned, in March 1992, Chechnya joined Tatarstan<br />

in refusing to sign Yeltsin’s Federal Treaty <strong>for</strong> the Russian Federation. The Russian government<br />

made considerable ef<strong>for</strong>ts to persuade Dudayev to sign on, holding negotiations in Dagomys in<br />

Krasnodar Krai in May 1992, bringing Chechen parliamentary delegations to Moscow to discuss a<br />

separate draft treaty, sending delegations from Moscow to Grozny, <strong>and</strong> continuing to subsidize the<br />

Chechen economy from the Russian budget, to the tune of 7.5 billion rubles in 1992. 132 These ef<strong>for</strong>ts<br />

were, however, complicated by the outbreak of conflict between North Ossetia <strong>and</strong> Ingushetia in<br />

October 1992.<br />

5. The Second Russian Military Intervention in Chechnya:<br />

Following the imposition of a state of emergency in the contested Prigorodny district of<br />

North Ossetia, Russian troops were deployed to separate the warring parties. They were also ordered<br />

into Ingushetia to prevent Ingush from Chechnya from joining the fighting, <strong>and</strong> to block reported<br />

arms shipments by the Chechens. In the absence of a clearly demarcated border between Chechnya<br />

<strong>and</strong> Ingushetia, Dudayev perceived the arrival of the Russian troops in Ingushetia as “an act of<br />

aggression.”<br />

132 See EPIcenter (<strong>Center</strong> <strong>for</strong> Economic <strong>and</strong> Political Research), “The Political Situation in the North Caucasus,” in<br />

the series The Political Situation in Russia, No.2 (3), (Moscow January 1993), p.16.<br />

71

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