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RUSSIA'S TINDERBOX - Belfer Center for Science and International ...

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The Cossacks are now perceived by the non-Cossack Russian population of the North<br />

Caucasus as a retrograde <strong>and</strong> conservative group—harking back to a pre-modern past, dem<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

<strong>and</strong> receiving subsidies <strong>and</strong> special privileges from the government, <strong>and</strong> interested only in seizing<br />

l<strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong> themselves. Their focus on agrarian issues has alienated the urban Russian population <strong>and</strong><br />

those in the region interested in promoting entrepreneurial activity, industrial development <strong>and</strong><br />

economic re<strong>for</strong>m. The fact that the Cossacks <strong>for</strong>m an almost exclusively male society has also<br />

complicated their claims to be an ethnic group <strong>and</strong> led to the active opposition of women’s groups.<br />

The official from Stavropol’ noted that, since the Russian government’s decrees on Cossack<br />

revival, the Stavropol’ <strong>and</strong> Krasnodar authorities have also become less interested in the Cossack<br />

movement. They resent the attempted interference of Cossack atamans in local politics <strong>and</strong> the<br />

repeated proposals from Cossack Congresses to create North Caucasian Cossack republics that<br />

would concentrate power in Cossack h<strong>and</strong>s. In addition, there have been no Cossack secessions from<br />

administrative units <strong>and</strong> no direct clashes with local authorities, in spite of radical claims. Cossack<br />

militancy is thus now seen in the region as narrowly-focused <strong>and</strong> concentrated on the protection of<br />

the Cossacks’ individual <strong>and</strong> communal property <strong>and</strong> their new privileges from Moscow.<br />

It would seem, there<strong>for</strong>e, that even if the Cossacks have not been completely neutralized as a<br />

factor in North Caucasian politics, they have been bought off by the Russian state. The question<br />

remains one of how successful this purchase has been <strong>and</strong> whether the Cossacks will be completely<br />

absorbed into state structures or will instead prove to be a maverick organization operating on the<br />

fringes of the state. The outcome of the conflict in Chechnya <strong>and</strong> its impact on the political situation<br />

in the North Caucasus are key in this regard, as the next section of the report indicates.<br />

supportive of the Cossack movement <strong>and</strong> Cossack revival (see Dzutsev, Frolova <strong>and</strong> Magomedkhanov,<br />

“Problemy...”). In all of these republics, those surveyed noted that they felt threatened by the general political<br />

<strong>and</strong> economic situation. The general conclusion from this is that where the Russian population feels threatened<br />

by the other ethnic groups of the North Caucasus, the Cossacks are seen as the defenders of Russian national<br />

interests. In Krasnodar <strong>and</strong> Stavropol’, where the Russian population far outweighs the other North Caucasian<br />

groups, the perception of threat is not so great <strong>and</strong> a more critical attitude towards the Cossacks is thus adopted.<br />

61

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