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Motherhood in Childhood

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t Participants <strong>in</strong> the<br />

Comprehensive<br />

Empowerment<br />

Programme for<br />

the Reduction<br />

of Unplanned<br />

Pregnancies<br />

Among Adolescent<br />

Mothers, sponsored<br />

by Women Across<br />

Differences and<br />

UNFPA.<br />

© UNFPA Guyana<br />

and 54 per cent have no need for contraception<br />

because they <strong>in</strong>dicate they wanted their<br />

latest birth. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to the World Health<br />

Organization (2008), 75 per cent of adolescent<br />

births are categorized as “<strong>in</strong>tended.”<br />

Compared to other age groups, adolescents<br />

who are married or <strong>in</strong> a union have both the lowest<br />

use of contraception and the highest levels of<br />

unmet need, hence, the lowest levels of demand<br />

satisfied for contraception. Lack of knowledge<br />

and fear or experience of side effects are major<br />

reasons for non-use or discont<strong>in</strong>uation.<br />

In countries with a high prevalence of child<br />

marriage and a strong preference for sons, married<br />

girls face pressures to forego contraception<br />

until they give birth to a boy (Filmer et al.,<br />

2008). This analysis of 5 million births <strong>in</strong> 65<br />

countries found evidence of preference for sons<br />

affect<strong>in</strong>g fertility <strong>in</strong> South Asia, Eastern Europe,<br />

and Central Asia.<br />

Gender-specific attitudes and behaviours<br />

Rigid ideals about appropriate attitudes and behaviours<br />

of girls, boys, women and men are learned<br />

and socially constructed norms that vary across<br />

local contexts and <strong>in</strong>teract with sociocultural factors<br />

such as class or caste. These social and gender<br />

norms are carried out and re<strong>in</strong>forced on multiple<br />

levels, among <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong> peer groups and<br />

families and through community attitudes and<br />

practices (UNFPA, 2012a).<br />

Differential treatment of boys and girls as they<br />

grow up beg<strong>in</strong>s early, and it cont<strong>in</strong>ues throughout<br />

their lives. The result is that everyone—boys, girls,<br />

men and women—absorbs messages about how<br />

they ought or ought not to behave or th<strong>in</strong>k, and<br />

early on, beg<strong>in</strong> to establish divergent expectations<br />

of themselves and other females and males. Often,<br />

these expectations can translate <strong>in</strong>to practices<br />

and risk-tak<strong>in</strong>g that can have negative sexual and<br />

reproductive health outcomes, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g adolescent<br />

pregnancy (UNFPA, 2012a). In many countries,<br />

boys and men are culturally validated for hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

multiple partners or hav<strong>in</strong>g sex without a condom.<br />

Many girls and young women say they do<br />

not use contraception—even when they know<br />

it is available and even though they have a right<br />

to it—because their male partners oppose it or<br />

view contraception negatively (Presler-Marshall<br />

and Jones, 2012). The risks of ignor<strong>in</strong>g male<br />

opposition to contraception may be particularly<br />

serious for adolescent girls who are married or <strong>in</strong><br />

a union. If married girls secretly use contraception,<br />

they may face beat<strong>in</strong>gs, divorce or other<br />

forms of punishment if they are caught or fail<br />

to produce children (Presler-Marshall and Jones,<br />

2012). Where male attitudes are the prevail<strong>in</strong>g or<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>stream ones, girls may <strong>in</strong>ternalize these same<br />

attitudes and express similarly negative views to<br />

contraception.<br />

38 CHAPTER 3: PRESSURES FROM MANY DIRECTIONS

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