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The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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“It is said that Mrs. H. is addicted to alcohol. On several occasions she<br />

has run into the street and drawn attention to herself by behaving in an<br />

improper manner. On occasion she uses very bad language and makes<br />

as much noise as possible by knocking things about in her room and in<br />

the passage.” (CHL, SWR: 1946.)<br />

In contrast to the masculinity <strong>of</strong> public spaces and femininity <strong>of</strong> private<br />

spaces, the semi-public garden spaces represented a zone where both the<br />

feminine and the masculine were able to conjoin and demonstrate their<br />

best talents. A lovely garden and a neat house were symbols <strong>of</strong> successful<br />

whiteness, and <strong>of</strong> an internalised work ethic. Gardens gave men a chance<br />

to show how hard and persistently they could work to make the sandy soil<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Cape Flats bloom, while women had an opportunity to show their<br />

aesthetic sophistication in the planning <strong>of</strong> the flower beds, and moneysaving<br />

skills in the clever planting <strong>of</strong> suitable vegetables.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se gardens became a true source <strong>of</strong> pride to the residents, and the<br />

yearly garden competitions became popular. In each area adjudicators,<br />

consisting <strong>of</strong> social workers and experts, chose the most beautiful garden.<br />

According to the Company’s own survey <strong>of</strong> 1946, 67 per cent <strong>of</strong> the families<br />

in EGV had a “well kept garden”. 137<br />

To this day elderly ladies in the suburb in particular regard having a<br />

lovely garden as a matter <strong>of</strong> honour, and men can get quite enthusiastic<br />

when describing their garden projects.<br />

While some families were fervently shaping the appearances <strong>of</strong> their<br />

homes and their bodies to create good model lives, some began to give<br />

up. <strong>The</strong>re was just no time or energy, no purpose and no point in learning<br />

the complicated bodily techniques and rules <strong>of</strong> distinction. Since the<br />

connection between maintaining the bodily discipline and the high moral<br />

standards was strong in Epping Garden Village, the increasing presence<br />

<strong>of</strong> ’fallen’ women and ’work-shy’ men placed more pressure on the rest<br />

<strong>of</strong> the residents. Emphasising one’s own integrity and well-internalised<br />

rules <strong>of</strong> embodiment could diminish the stigma <strong>of</strong> being a poor white.<br />

This tactic was also a tool <strong>of</strong> distinction, as it showed the degrees <strong>of</strong> internal<br />

differentiation between residents.<br />

Occasionally this lead to extreme shows <strong>of</strong> morality as some residents<br />

tactically over-emphasised their roles as good citizens. This in turn fed<br />

137 <strong>The</strong> social workers had emphasised the need to create ‘civilised’ spaces from the very<br />

beginning. <strong>The</strong> <strong>fi</strong>rst social services for municipal housing schemes were provided by the<br />

City Council in 1925 when a prize <strong>of</strong> £25 was handed out to those Maitland residents who<br />

had the neatest and most attractive houses and gardens (Bosman 1941: 256).<br />

147

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