28.12.2013 Views

The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

140-141; Dubow 1995: 281-283; O’Meara 1983: 172-173.)<br />

<strong>The</strong> Afrikaners had developed a sense <strong>of</strong> belonging to the soil: they<br />

had taken it over, and it also belonged to them (Schutte 1989: 222). During<br />

my <strong>fi</strong>eldwork I was <strong>of</strong>ten told that originally the country had been<br />

‘empty’, and the Afrikaners had only settled on land that had been either<br />

‘deserted by African tribes’, or had never been claimed by anyone.<br />

But being white stretched further than those advantages enjoyed by the<br />

Afrikaners. In the colonial countries, land seemed as plentiful as it was<br />

scarce in Europe. Every man could be a peer <strong>of</strong> a realm by virtue <strong>of</strong> being<br />

white. Terence Ranger points out how “almost everywhere in Africa<br />

white agriculturalists saw themselves not as peasants but as gentlemen<br />

farmers” (1983: 213). Thus, the ambiguities <strong>of</strong> urban life were perceived<br />

as dangerous and detrimental, whereas the countryside became sacred. A<br />

good example <strong>of</strong> this is the way in which the Karoo still lives as an archetypal<br />

‘pure’ space in the South African imagination and mythology. 86<br />

Prior to the onset <strong>of</strong> apartheid, the Afrikaner nationalists, in a manner<br />

similar to the Nazis, had already created multiple national symbols by<br />

inventing traditions (Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983: 1-14). <strong>The</strong>se invented<br />

traditions included the veneration <strong>of</strong> the <strong>fi</strong>rst Afrikaners to travel northeast<br />

(die Voortrekkers), revival <strong>of</strong> Afrikaans as the sacred language <strong>of</strong> the<br />

volk and the worship <strong>of</strong> Afrikaans woman as the volksmoeder, guardian<br />

<strong>of</strong> the moral order and racial purity <strong>of</strong> the Afrikaners (McClintock 1995:<br />

368-369). <strong>The</strong>se traditions were then put on a pedestal where they con<strong>fi</strong>rmed<br />

and sealed the social order. <strong>The</strong>y could be presented spatially as<br />

great shows <strong>of</strong> national unity, celebrations or memorial sites.<br />

An example <strong>of</strong> a spatial presentation <strong>of</strong> the process whereby Afrikanerdom<br />

reinvented itself was ‘the second trek’ (‘die Tweede Trek’ or<br />

‘Eeufees’) 87 <strong>of</strong> 1938. It was a suitably modi<strong>fi</strong>ed re-enactment and commemoration<br />

<strong>of</strong> the original Voortrekkers’ Great Trek away from the British<br />

influence in 1838. Pomp and circumstance surrounded this process.<br />

<strong>The</strong> famous Ossewaens (ox-wagons) travelling slowly across the country<br />

was a concrete demonstration <strong>of</strong> the way in which the Afrikaners had<br />

taken over the space, and the relationship to the land had originally been<br />

formed. <strong>The</strong> wagons were greeted with big festivities in each town. <strong>The</strong><br />

second trek was followed by a wave <strong>of</strong> enthusiasm, supporting the process<br />

<strong>of</strong> Afrikaners becoming a uni<strong>fi</strong>ed nation.<br />

86 For more on the meaning <strong>of</strong> wilderness in the colonial imagination, see e.g. Short<br />

1991: 8-27.<br />

87 Second trek or centenary.<br />

99

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!