The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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to study them, but it also makes it easy to stereotype and oversimplify the white experience. The shades of white seem to disappear where they should most be looked at. The study of whiteness can be helpful to those anthropologists undertaking studies of Western cultures instead of concentrating on alien, exotic cultures. Studying whiteness offers the anthropologist an opportunity to ‘decolonize anthropology’ (Harrison 1991). But whiteness studies could also be a potential new way of justifying the self-absorbed concentration of the academic world on the dominant white centre, and lead to the legitimisation of white racism and nationalism instead of removing whiteness from its authoritarian position (Dyer 2000: 542). Some academics have therefore abandoned the whole discourse as an altogether too dangerous one. Hence, also when studying South African whites, there is a need to stay alert and be aware of the pitfalls in the discourse of whiteness, and of the complexity of the whole concept of being White. Frankenberg notes that since whiteness has had many different phases and forms over time and space, it is a complexly constructed product of local, regional and global relations, past and present. Whiteness is a constantly changing category constructed together with class, gender and many other racial and cultural categories. (Frankenberg 2000: 454.) Mark McGuinness therefore warns us against forgetting to deconstruct whiteness when looking at the Other (2000: 225-230). While both the United States and South Africa were melting pots of whites of ‘all colours’ (Jacobson 1998: 91-135), whiteness in both countries differs demographically and historically. Thus, transferring a North American discourse without significant critique to a South African context as such is not viable. Undoubtedly parts of this US-originating discourse on whiteness, such as the interest in hybridity in whiteness, the studies that demonstrate the othering of lower class whites, and discussions on the representations of Self and the Other within whiteness, are relevant when studying South African whites. These ideas and interests to be found in the whiteness studies have also influenced the background of this thesis. While the anthropologically inspired approach to South African whiteness is still seeking its expression, local historians have conducted convincing work on whites. The work of Carnegie Commission was an indisputable starting point for the academic interest in poor whites. Many South African historians in particular have also thought the poor whites a worthy topic (see Dubow 1995; Freund 1992; Hyslop 1995; Marijke du 74
Toit 1992 and 2003; Morrell 1992; Parnell 1988 and 1992; Pirie 1982; van Onselen 1982; Vincent 2000). However, all the above-mentioned studies (with the exception of du Toit) were concentrated on the Johannesburg area. In addition to the spatial gap in the poor whites research, there is a temporal one. Even those who did venture to examine the poor whites did not examine them during or after the apartheid era, and there is no apartheid era ethnography or history on them. However, due to their very marginality they were and are a crucial group for the formation of white South African identities and the category White. 75
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Annika Björnsdotter Teppo THE MAKI
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”Dit is dr. Anton Rupert wat ges
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Myriam Houssay-Holzscuch for her wi
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CONTENTS 1. Introduction Background
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CONTENTS Men and Women at Work: Toi
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1. INTRODUCTION ”...There are ver
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of national unity (volkseenheid) an
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individual studies take in respect
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effortless, and it did not always p
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these bodily and social boundaries?
Page 23 and 24: term ‘poor white’ can be regard
Page 25 and 26: 2. THE POOR WHITE CATEGORY The cate
Page 27 and 28: Poverty became more visible in the
Page 29 and 30: POOR WHITEISM Until the 1880s, pove
Page 31 and 32: people (Mattila 1996: 15-16). These
Page 33 and 34: mindedness assumed that it was conc
Page 35 and 36: that it had been strongly influence
Page 37 and 38: dependent was thus perceived as a c
Page 39 and 40: Afrikaner organisations such as the
Page 41 and 42: whites. Between 1880s and 1930s the
Page 43 and 44: poor whites was a crucial part of t
Page 45 and 46: From the beginning, the Housing Lea
Page 47 and 48: The First Residents: 1938-1948 Whil
Page 49 and 50: dren, while her husband Charles wor
Page 51 and 52: control of the poor whites grew har
Page 53 and 54: the area is not shared by middle-cl
Page 55 and 56: private life was not really private
Page 57 and 58: project, and a warning of the conse
Page 59 and 60: national prize-winning novel Triomf
Page 61 and 62: THE POOR WHITE STIGMA After the Sec
Page 63 and 64: of ‘racially superior’ whites t
Page 65 and 66: 3. FIELDWORK: FACING THE ISSUES OF
Page 67 and 68: whites, and furthermore, a betrayal
Page 69 and 70: In EGV I was an outsider, a profess
Page 71 and 72: understanding of the everyday life
Page 73: the past ten years 71 discussions o
Page 77 and 78: In Discipline and Punish, Foucault
Page 79 and 80: his body, he takes into account soc
Page 81 and 82: odily values (e.g. cleanliness). Si
Page 83 and 84: suburb. Other things, such as an ab
Page 85 and 86: for symbolic power is a very defini
Page 87 and 88: egulation. The means to this end we
Page 89 and 90: Embodiment and distinctions in the
Page 91 and 92: encouraged the system of concubinag
Page 93 and 94: The conversations followed a basic
Page 95 and 96: The world of the pass-whites was in
Page 97 and 98: people, since that would lead to de
Page 99 and 100: 140-141; Dubow 1995: 281-283; O’M
Page 101 and 102: space, but there were still many ur
Page 103 and 104: (1970: 17). Therefore the treatment
Page 105 and 106: intellectuals and church officials,
Page 107 and 108: acism. In 1932 he was nominated to
Page 109 and 110: and economic upliftment of the poor
Page 111 and 112: CONSTRUCTING EGV, A WHITE SUBURBAN
Page 113 and 114: Map 3: Ruyterwacht in 2001 113
Page 115 and 116: study model cities in England, Germ
Page 117 and 118: Since the spatial planning of the a
Page 119 and 120: well-being of the poor whites and t
Page 121 and 122: tion was to be a way out of humilia
Page 123 and 124: 6. THE ERA OF FAITH AND HARD WORK:
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The CHL wanted to ensure that it ch
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Social Services in the CHL Housing
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Advice was offered on employment an
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DISTRIBUTION OF ECONOMIC CAPITAL De
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money each family had spent on furn
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of rehabilitation. From the very be
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the idealisation of volksmoeders ti
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tution could provide. The risks inv
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“…the tenants in the Company’
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doctors to exercise care in issuing
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(and still are) measures of a good
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“It is said that Mrs. H. is addic
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“It was stated by neighbours howe
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deteriorating infl uence on other c
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“Investigation of the family circ
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purity. They accepted people with a
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unhappiness and tells her not to wo
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still accepted as White, for they w
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CONCLUSION Epping Garden Village wa
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During this era most of the residen
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7. THE ERA OF STAGNATION AND DISINT
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Being simultaneously poor and white
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The question of an optimal minimum
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ing privately owned homes, and the
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times and had nowhere else to go. T
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which, combined with the regulation
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Offi cer for automatic transfer to
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contributed to the family income mu
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aimed at those children who were sh
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eficial manner, and connected with
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itself as ”narrative structural p
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in order to scare their men into be
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with different men at different tim
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came obvious from the note in the a
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when the state paid for travel, clo
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She already had four siblings at th
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make it likely that some people did
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acks on the idea of Afrikanerdom. T
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scribed in the conclusion of the pr
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The racial ideas are alive and well
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The white residents of the suburb c
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Throughout the twentieth century th
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plaints are not openly directed at
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Some have moved to Goodwood, some h
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On the western boundary of Ruyterwa
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the position of poor white areas in
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since, as Burkitt has suggested,
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Picture 2: A thoroughly renovated G
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the same lifestyle or bodily concer
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to the authorities. As soon as they
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The Hierarchists Revolt: How Ruyter
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“You see, if you want to live in
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Arriviste Tactics: Muslims in the C
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empty talk, a non-functional tactic
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The End of the Upliftment as We Kne
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at home, it is possible to show you
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The social work has changed, and th
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“I do not bother myself with them
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understandable. As shown earlier, m
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and regulated Ruyterwacht homes are
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UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES Before the
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REDISTRIBUTION? At the end of the a
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Opheffing. Upliftment. To ’uplift
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APPENDIX 2: EGV IN 1940 Picture 4:
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APPENDIX 3: TABLES Occupations whit
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CODES/PRIMARY DOCUMENTS* 1 2 3 4 5
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Bickford-Smith, V., van Heyningen,
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De Certeau, Michel 2000. Ethno-Grap
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Freund, Bill 1992. Introduction: Th
Page 263 and 264:
Horrell, Muriel (compiler) 1978. La
Page 265 and 266:
Mauss, Marcel 1979. Sociology and P
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Russell, Diana E.H. 1997. Behind Cl
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Worden, N., van Heyningen, E. and B
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APPENDIX 5: INDEX WORDS ACVV 42-43,
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Johannesburg 15, 27, 67, 101, 104,
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