The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi
The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi
The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi
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Some have moved to <strong>Good</strong>wood, some have found refuge with their<br />
families, some have simply dispersed to the caravan parks, coloured and<br />
even African areas in Cape Flats.<br />
Despite the breakdown <strong>of</strong> previous social categories and the arrival <strong>of</strong><br />
coloured residents having caused obvious gentri<strong>fi</strong>cation 184 <strong>of</strong> the suburb,<br />
the policy <strong>of</strong> apartheid still influences the white residents’ perceptions <strong>of</strong><br />
space. Spatial patterns and urban planning <strong>of</strong> segregation and apartheid<br />
normalised the racial ideology, and drew its outlines in the urban topography.<br />
It will take several decades before the meanings attached to urban<br />
space can and will be forgotten, if ever. Memory will perpetuate this construction.<br />
People’s memories <strong>of</strong> the apartheid space will regulate social<br />
de<strong>fi</strong>nitions <strong>of</strong> South African urban space for a long time, in contrast to the<br />
memories <strong>of</strong> the shared historical roots <strong>of</strong> both the <strong>White</strong> and Coloured<br />
Cape families who lived together in working-class areas.<br />
Some white residents see the arrival <strong>of</strong> the coloured residents as a<br />
welcome change, and appreciate their middle-class lifestyle as a key to<br />
a better future for the area. However, for some the presence <strong>of</strong> the coloureds<br />
has brought a sense <strong>of</strong> spatial invasion that becomes apparent in<br />
the interviews with white residents <strong>of</strong> Ruyterwacht. <strong>The</strong>y feel that their<br />
space has been invaded, and complaints are <strong>of</strong>ten about petty things, such<br />
as the coloured children playing in the streets, or the noisiness and disrespectful<br />
attitudes <strong>of</strong> the coloureds living in the suburb. Coloured street<br />
culture – known for its liking <strong>of</strong> cars, hanging out in streets and playing<br />
loud music – has arrived in Ruyterwacht, and on the street corners one<br />
can see multiracial groups <strong>of</strong> people chatting and laughing.<br />
”We are sitting outside Lisa’s (coloured female, 27) car. She beams, as<br />
she has only had it for a few weeks. She turns up the music. It hurts my<br />
ears and I am convinced the whole neighbourhood can hear it. ”This is<br />
a coloured thing”, she laughs happily.” (Author’s <strong>fi</strong>eld notes.)<br />
A number <strong>of</strong> old residents stated that coloured people are noisy and<br />
spend too much time out on the streets – an <strong>of</strong>fence against the spatial<br />
rules <strong>of</strong> a good white who ’keeps to himself’ and is rather not seen on<br />
the streets. Alternatively, many middle-class coloured people look down<br />
on the poorest <strong>of</strong> whites. <strong>The</strong>y see their behaviour as completely embar-<br />
184 Elijah Anderson, who studied two suburbs <strong>of</strong> Philadelphia, witnessed “a pr<strong>of</strong>ound<br />
confusion <strong>of</strong> race and class” (1990: 156) and pointed out that gentri<strong>fi</strong>cation was the spatial<br />
expression <strong>of</strong> the differences <strong>of</strong> class and race.<br />
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