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The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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ies, as Mellor and Shilling have named the process (1997: 35-62). 16 This<br />

process was crucial for the larger project <strong>of</strong> white South African identity<br />

formation, since it slowly inscribed the boundaries <strong>of</strong> the category <strong>White</strong><br />

in their bodies.<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>fi</strong>rst task <strong>of</strong> this analysis is thus to turn to the ethnographic material<br />

in order to examine the impact <strong>of</strong> these practices <strong>of</strong> producing embodiment<br />

and uplifting the habitus <strong>of</strong> those perceived as poor whites.<br />

<strong>The</strong> attempts to uplift 17 them also created social differentiation. Pierre<br />

Bourdieu’s writings and his notion <strong>of</strong> distinction are helpful when we ask<br />

how the social spaces and structures <strong>of</strong> differences emerged in Epping<br />

Garden Village. He did not create structural rules but concentrated on the<br />

socially formed dispositions that formed the embodiment <strong>of</strong> the subject,<br />

whose own will is secondary, as it is socially formed by the practices <strong>of</strong><br />

making habitus. For Bourdieu, the habitus <strong>of</strong> each individual is shaped in<br />

a social game, which also changes its players, none <strong>of</strong> whom is a disinterested<br />

outsider, while they might make an effort to seem so.<br />

<strong>The</strong> end product <strong>of</strong> the rehabilitation conducted in the suburb was<br />

supposed to be a successful and respectable citizen who moved out to<br />

live in a middle-class area. But while many <strong>of</strong> the poor whites <strong>of</strong> Epping<br />

Garden Village managed to leave the suburb, some never did. After the<br />

Second World War, when the majority <strong>of</strong> South African whites became a<br />

relatively wealthy elite group with a proper lifestyle, those who could not<br />

succeed became stigmatised.<br />

In the era <strong>of</strong> apartheid, the poor white suburbs became places where<br />

those who were unable to comply with the ideals <strong>of</strong> being a good white<br />

were placed, or into which they just drifted. Simultaneously, social and<br />

spatial propinquity between middle-class whites and poor whites diminished.<br />

Consequently, the residents learned what Erving G<strong>of</strong>fmann has<br />

called “impression management” (1959). Even during my <strong>fi</strong>eldwork<br />

(1997-2001) the residents were still keen to present me their commitment<br />

to being good whites, thus dissociating themselves from the stigma <strong>of</strong><br />

being a poor white.<br />

Nevertheless, the process <strong>of</strong> making good whites was not simple or<br />

16<br />

It was one <strong>of</strong> this study’s points <strong>of</strong> departure that more than anything, the making <strong>of</strong> the<br />

good white was a historical process. Also Ian Burkitt has discussed the ideas <strong>of</strong> re-formation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the body. He points out that while “the human body is not formed anew in each<br />

generation and shaped exactly according to the social influences <strong>of</strong> the moment; however,<br />

the body is open to re-formation at the point where bio-history and social history meet”<br />

(1999: 17).<br />

17<br />

To ‘uplift’ was used as either a noun or verb as an alternative for the expression ‘rehabilitation’<br />

(see below). It originates from the Afrikaans word ophef<strong>fi</strong> ng (to lift up).<br />

18

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