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The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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POOR WHITEISM<br />

Until the 1880s, poverty in Europe was seen as the individual’s failure.<br />

Now it became seen as a failure <strong>of</strong> the physical and economic environment<br />

(Bundy 1984: 13). Simultaneously, new threats were perceived.<br />

For many concerned Europeans it began to seem that a way to improve<br />

people’s lives was through a state that would implement a eugenic policy.<br />

Before long, the white South African elite followed suite.<br />

In South African social sciences, the 1880s were long accepted as the<br />

start <strong>of</strong> the period in which the number <strong>of</strong> poor whites grew rapidly. Colin<br />

Bundy criticised this belief by pointing out that that there was already<br />

a large number <strong>of</strong> landless and unskilled poor whites in the Cape well<br />

before 1890. Even before urbanisation there were considerable differentiation<br />

and class formation and various types <strong>of</strong> white poverty existed, especially<br />

landless rural poor such as bywoners, agricultural labourers and<br />

farm servants. <strong>The</strong>re were also small-town unskilled and low-paid wage<br />

earners, and a lumpen proletariat element. <strong>The</strong> racial relations between<br />

these whites and the people <strong>of</strong> colour were fluid and interactive. In the<br />

1890s the poverty became ethnicised, and rede<strong>fi</strong>ned as a social problem<br />

to be tackled by state action. (Bundy 1984: 2-4.) Eugenic thinking played<br />

a large part in these attempts.<br />

Eugenics<br />

During the eighteenth century race became de<strong>fi</strong>ned as a part <strong>of</strong> scienti<strong>fi</strong>c<br />

discourse in Europe and the United States. <strong>The</strong> differences in the<br />

representations <strong>of</strong> the Other were interpreted as biological and natural<br />

differences <strong>of</strong> race. <strong>The</strong> scienti<strong>fi</strong>c idea <strong>of</strong> race was then applied to the human<br />

species in the framework <strong>of</strong> already existing power relations. (Miles<br />

1994: 51, 63-64.)<br />

<strong>The</strong> evolutionist thinkers <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century perceived the differences<br />

between races from the viewpoint <strong>of</strong> biological and cultural<br />

evolution. <strong>The</strong>y were pessimistic about the possibility <strong>of</strong> uplifting the<br />

’child-like savages’, whom they saw as relics that had missed the train<br />

<strong>of</strong> biological and cultural progress. Only an interbreeding with a more<br />

evolved race, such as the Nordic race, could save them. But while this<br />

miscegenation could perhaps aid the development <strong>of</strong> savages, it would<br />

conversely deteriorate the pure Nordic or white racial stock. (Voget 1975:<br />

178-185.)<br />

29

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