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The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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orities and class character had to be rede<strong>fi</strong>ned. <strong>The</strong> labouring classes had<br />

to be integrated into the volk, and mobilised for the economic struggle,<br />

since any resistance from the white working class would threaten the petit<br />

bourgeoisie and the developing economic movement. (O’Meara 1983:<br />

107-116.)<br />

Poor whites were to have their own role in the process <strong>of</strong> building<br />

the great nation, and the ideology <strong>of</strong> teaching the poor to save and reeducating<br />

them was central to these attempts (1934 Conference Report).<br />

Harmonising class relations was seen as important for the unity <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Afrikaner volk. <strong>The</strong> virtues <strong>of</strong> hard labour and saving were emphasised,<br />

and working-class Afrikaners were controlled by a Christian-nationalist<br />

dogma. (O’Meara 1983: 158-164.)<br />

In the 1930s and 1940s the Broederbond blamed the vulnerable position<br />

<strong>of</strong> unskilled Afrikaner workers on the English, Jewish or communist<br />

enemies <strong>of</strong> the volk. <strong>The</strong> white working class was taught that economic<br />

prizes were achievable by emphasising the racial rather than the class barrier.<br />

(O’Meara 1983: 82, 89.)<br />

In his account <strong>of</strong> the invention <strong>of</strong> tradition in colonial Africa, Terence<br />

Ranger notes how the white workers in South Africa used invented rituals<br />

<strong>of</strong> European craft unionism to exclude Africans from participating<br />

the unions, and to claim craft status. Importing European traditions into<br />

Africa also made it easier to rule the Africans as an underclass. However,<br />

this increased the demands on the whites, since they had to become an<br />

organised and respectable racial elite. (Ranger 1983: 215-220.)<br />

Peter Worsley has noted the position <strong>of</strong> working-class whites in South<br />

Africa as a ”labour aristocracy”, and how they were well aware <strong>of</strong> the<br />

meaning <strong>of</strong> institutionalised inequality in respect <strong>of</strong> their own prosperity.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y were willing to defend it with racism <strong>of</strong> a ”more atavistic order,<br />

rooted in fear, on the part <strong>of</strong> those at the lowest levels <strong>of</strong> class hierarchy,<br />

that their social status will now be reduced to that <strong>of</strong> Blacks”. (Worsley<br />

1984: 240-242.) However, it was the white South African elite who had<br />

carefully planted seeds <strong>of</strong> this ’atavistic’ racism.<br />

Christian-national Ideology and the Poor <strong>White</strong> Problem<br />

<strong>The</strong> Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) lead the actions against white poverty<br />

from the very start. It had extended its influence in the middle years <strong>of</strong><br />

the nineteenth century, and in the 1880s it took a new interest in the poor<br />

40

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