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The Making of a Good White - E-thesis - Helsinki.fi

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ined with inherited vintage furniture. <strong>The</strong>re is a sense <strong>of</strong> space in their<br />

homes, connected to the high status <strong>of</strong> this group.<br />

Members <strong>of</strong> this group are mobile, although not as mobile as the arrivistes<br />

<strong>of</strong> Group A. <strong>The</strong>y have good computer skills, and access to Internet.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y are also consumerists and aware <strong>of</strong> the latest developments in home<br />

electronics. <strong>The</strong>y constantly improve their homes and gardens, change<br />

the layout <strong>of</strong> their homes, buy tiles, paint walls and build fences. <strong>The</strong>ir<br />

gardens have braais, and they might also boast a water element, even a<br />

pool. From the outside, their houses can look very similar to Group C<br />

homes, but their yards tend to seem less defended and more open.<br />

Taste as a signi<strong>fi</strong>er <strong>of</strong> social class is a key phrase in this category. <strong>The</strong>y<br />

are committed to both the group boundaries and modernity. This interplay<br />

<strong>of</strong> tradition and innovation can also be seen in their homes. Being<br />

a proper white with all its embodied signs is self-evident for this group.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y would blend in with ease with the middle-class in Stellenbosch.<br />

None <strong>of</strong> these categories is absolute, and they all consist <strong>of</strong> various<br />

positions and places. <strong>The</strong>se places can even be very close to another<br />

category. For example, in Ruyterwacht the few people whom I met from<br />

Group D tended to occupy a position very close to Group C. I also met<br />

some families who and visited many houses which did not <strong>fi</strong>t exactly into<br />

one <strong>of</strong> the categories; others showed signs <strong>of</strong> identifying with several,<br />

but all the family whom I met could be explained in some <strong>of</strong> the above<br />

terms. <strong>The</strong>y were either close to zero (the centre <strong>of</strong> the <strong>fi</strong>gure), or moving<br />

towards one direction. For example, I met some Group B families who<br />

emphasised their conservative values and group commitment, but lived<br />

from hand to mouth, or on whatever welfare they managed to get and<br />

kept their homes badly. <strong>The</strong>y wanted to give the impression <strong>of</strong> belonging<br />

to Group C, with which they largely identi<strong>fi</strong>ed, while they were in fact<br />

aspiring members <strong>of</strong> Group B, playing the game <strong>of</strong> a good white, since<br />

members <strong>of</strong> Group C would probably not see them as their equals.<br />

In short, while Ruyterwacht is destined to continue its existence between<br />

‘proper’ racial categories, there are different ways and levels <strong>of</strong><br />

being there, some <strong>of</strong> those ways being more acceptable than others. <strong>The</strong><br />

residents’ battle to de<strong>fi</strong>ne and keep the suburb in the most advantageous<br />

possible position between racial categories is ongoing. Two seemingly<br />

different cases illustrate this and while they have certain similarities, they<br />

also illustrate how the racial relations were formed and negotiated in the<br />

suburb in the 1990s.<br />

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