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Spring 2010 - Interpretation

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Book Review: Orientalism and Islam<br />

3 3 7<br />

self-sustaining community that endlessly repeats itself. There is no private<br />

property and, therefore, no class conflict; land is owned by the community<br />

because only it can organize large-scale irrigation in an arid climate. However,<br />

without private property and class conflict, there is no history proper<br />

and society is stagnant. In response to contemporary critics of Orientalism,<br />

Curtis remarks that despite Marx’s distinction between the despotic and<br />

stagnant East and the progressive West, he can hardly be accused of being<br />

engaged in “the imposition of power relationships” (229).<br />

In Curtis’s words, Max Weber is another social theorist who<br />

had “no postmodernist angst about attempting to understand other cultures<br />

in terms of the categories of his own culture” (259). One of the questions Weber<br />

asked was why rationality and capitalism developed in the West but not in<br />

the Orient? Although Oriental religions including Islam were responsible for<br />

political, economic, and legal irrationality, according to Weber the root cause<br />

of the difference between the Orient and the Occident was political. Weber<br />

attempted to explain Oriental despotism with reference to patrimonialism.<br />

In patrimonialism, the entire realm is “the private domain of the ruler” (270);<br />

administration is arbitrary; land is not inherited but allotted conditionally<br />

(the prebend system); the foundation of wealth is not rational profit-making<br />

but an interest in precious stones; the economy is geared to satisfy the ruler’s<br />

needs; there are monopolies; regime stability depends on the military; the<br />

ruler, or the sultan, is considered to be “the father of his people” (281) or the<br />

guardian of their welfare; the social framework is rigid; and the political and<br />

religious leadership is merged. The “warrior ethic” (292) of Islam is another<br />

obstacle to the development of rationalization and capitalism in the Orient<br />

because it is antithetical to the emergence of an independent burgher class, the<br />

growth of autonomous cities, and the creation of a reliable legal framework.<br />

Curtis offers a rich treatment of Western perspectives on the<br />

Orient in history. Of the six philosophers he treats in detail, Montesquieu and<br />

Burke were of two minds on associating the Orient with despotism, a political<br />

condition which they both deplored; Tocqueville and Mill supported civilizing<br />

missions to the Orient, but they disagreed on the particular strategy and<br />

objectives; and Marx related Asiatic stagnancy to economic infrastructure,<br />

whereas for Weber despotism was primarily a political phenomenon. Curtis’s<br />

critique of the postmodernist critics of Orientalism is a balanced contribution<br />

to the debate. However, his claim about the relevance of historic Western<br />

perceptions to contemporary Eastern societies is potentially misleading.<br />

According to Curtis, except for two brief trips by Tocqueville to Algeria,

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