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elationship between the prevalence of amakudari<br />
within the country’s financial sector and the growth of<br />
the Ministry of Finance (MOF) that regulates that sector.<br />
6 Evidence of corruption between industry and government<br />
in state industrial planning calls into question<br />
the true motivation behind the plans.<br />
Olson uses Japan as a prime example of the rise and<br />
decline of nations due to interest-group politics. He<br />
notes that after policy disruptions eliminate old political<br />
connections and networks, businesses concentrate<br />
on productive activity because they can no longer secure<br />
political favors. 7 Industrial policy in Japan favors some<br />
Japanese businesses over others, creating incentives for<br />
business leaders to develop political connections so that<br />
they can be among the privileged. Over time, connections<br />
become increasingly important to business profitability,<br />
and an entrepreneurial economy evolves into one in<br />
which success is based on political favoritism and cronyism.<br />
As we have noted in previous chapters, Olson argues<br />
that such a system leads to the decline of nations. Note<br />
that Olson made this argument in the early 1980s, well<br />
before Japan’s financial crisis in 1991 that led to its “lost<br />
decade” of economic stagnation in the 1990s.<br />
Japan’s rapid economic growth in the 1950s and 1960s<br />
laid the foundation for South Korea to implement similar<br />
policies to try to join the global economic community<br />
with export-led growth. 8 Political power changed<br />
hands several times in the decades following the war’s<br />
end before it was finally seized by Park Chung-hee, an<br />
ambitious military general with grand plans for the<br />
South Korean economy, in 1961. Park’s leadership experience<br />
was steeped in military logistics and the planning<br />
96 LIBERALISM AND CRONYISM