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elationship between the prevalence of amakudari<br />

within the country’s financial sector and the growth of<br />

the Ministry of Finance (MOF) that regulates that sector.<br />

6 Evidence of corruption between industry and government<br />

in state industrial planning calls into question<br />

the true motivation behind the plans.<br />

Olson uses Japan as a prime example of the rise and<br />

decline of nations due to interest-group politics. He<br />

notes that after policy disruptions eliminate old political<br />

connections and networks, businesses concentrate<br />

on productive activity because they can no longer secure<br />

political favors. 7 Industrial policy in Japan favors some<br />

Japanese businesses over others, creating incentives for<br />

business leaders to develop political connections so that<br />

they can be among the privileged. Over time, connections<br />

become increasingly important to business profitability,<br />

and an entrepreneurial economy evolves into one in<br />

which success is based on political favoritism and cronyism.<br />

As we have noted in previous chapters, Olson argues<br />

that such a system leads to the decline of nations. Note<br />

that Olson made this argument in the early 1980s, well<br />

before Japan’s financial crisis in 1991 that led to its “lost<br />

decade” of economic stagnation in the 1990s.<br />

Japan’s rapid economic growth in the 1950s and 1960s<br />

laid the foundation for South Korea to implement similar<br />

policies to try to join the global economic community<br />

with export-led growth. 8 Political power changed<br />

hands several times in the decades following the war’s<br />

end before it was finally seized by Park Chung-hee, an<br />

ambitious military general with grand plans for the<br />

South Korean economy, in 1961. Park’s leadership experience<br />

was steeped in military logistics and the planning<br />

96 LIBERALISM AND CRONYISM

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