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enefits for his former venture capital firm, Vantage<br />

Point Venture Partners. Another venture capitalist<br />

turned Washington insider was working at the DOE<br />

while his former firm, General Catalyst, received $105<br />

million in government support.<br />

In addition to this direct kind of cronyism, environmental<br />

loan programs incentivize nonconnected firms<br />

to become politically connected to stay in business and<br />

remain competitive. For instance, an article in Wired<br />

magazine describes how electric car manufacturer<br />

Aptera Motors laid off 25 percent of its workforce so that<br />

it would have the resources to focus on procuring a DOE<br />

loan. 11 The remaining employees spent the bulk of their<br />

time navigating the myriad forms and processes that were<br />

necessary to procure government support. The incentives<br />

produced by government loan guarantees, grants, and<br />

subsidies remove resources from productive activities<br />

and direct them toward unproductive cronyism.<br />

Another area in which cronyism manifests itself in<br />

environmental policy is regulation. Environmental regulation<br />

provides an excellent demonstration of economist<br />

Bruce Yandle’s “bootleggers and Baptists” political<br />

model. 12 Contrary to the commonly accepted wisdom that<br />

the interests of businesses and regulators are fundamentally<br />

opposed, the bootleggers and Baptists model provides<br />

the insight that both groups stand to gain by cooperating<br />

to pass regulations, although their motivations may<br />

be different. As in the days of Sunday alcohol prohibition<br />

when both profit-seeking bootleggers and moralizing<br />

Baptists became strange bedfellows in their pursuit of a<br />

common policy, so too do environmental activists and big<br />

businesses frequently find themselves on the same side of<br />

70 LIBERALISM AND CRONYISM

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