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despite comprising only 3 percent of the Israeli population.<br />

12 Additionally, the incentives of the kibbutz prompt<br />

high-skilled workers to seek better-paying opportunities<br />

elsewhere. One study found that the kibbutz redistribution<br />

scheme that moves wealth from value creators to<br />

political insiders is associated with an exodus of highskilled<br />

workers from the communes. 13 These problems<br />

have been percolating among small kibbutz networks for<br />

decades and have started to take their toll.<br />

In fact, much of the modern academic literature on<br />

the kibbutzim discusses the “crisis” that has been gradually<br />

undermining the harmony and productivity of kibbutzim<br />

over many silent decades. 14 Even scholars who<br />

generally support the concept of communal agriculture<br />

and are committed to the kibbutzim’s success as a proof<br />

of concept for socialism correctly identify the emergence<br />

of a self-interested political elite as a primary weakness<br />

of the kibbutz arrangement while simultaneously pinning<br />

the blame of this outcome on the moderate liberalizing<br />

reforms that some kibbutzim have enacted in order<br />

to more correctly align value creation with compensation<br />

and entice the high-skilled laborers that are leaving<br />

the system to move back to their kibbutzim. At the same<br />

time, many of the reform proposals that these scholars<br />

offer, primarily a return to vertical centralization, are<br />

likely to only further aggravate the problems. To engender<br />

successful reform, the kibbutzim must emulate the<br />

successful reforms of the Chinese people’s communes<br />

by diminishing the amount of rents that can be seized<br />

through political allocation and increasing the number<br />

of avenues through which all commune members can<br />

offer and trade value.<br />

36 LIBERALISM AND CRONYISM

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