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while businesses that it supported have consistently not<br />

lived up to expectations. 15 The areas in which the Japanese<br />

government restricted competition to encourage growth,<br />

such as chemicals and software, are the industries that<br />

struggle the most. 16 The strongest sectors of the Japanese<br />

economy—automobiles, electronics, and robotics—are<br />

the areas in which the Japanese government restricted<br />

competition the least. Similarly, South Korea boasts the<br />

second-largest shipbuilding industry world, but its industrial<br />

policy has dulled the firms’ competitiveness to the<br />

point where the industry depends on bailouts to survive.<br />

The connected chaebols in South Korea received larger<br />

shares of government assistance despite offering lower<br />

returns than smaller competing firms. 17 This evidence suggests<br />

that the South Korean and Japanese economies did<br />

not grow because of their industrial policies, but rather in<br />

spite of them.<br />

The social costs of state-driven industrialization policies<br />

are significant. They deprive consumers of low prices<br />

and expanded choice while forcing them to subsidize<br />

the companies that lobbied for the policies. The benefits<br />

of East Asian industrial policy can charitably be called<br />

mixed; although Japan grew substantially from the 1950s<br />

through the 1980s, and South Korea’s growth that started<br />

in the 1960s has continued into the twenty-first century,<br />

the industries that the government supported were not<br />

the only ones to drive this growth. Both countries started<br />

with the advantage of low wages and were able to adopt<br />

technologies that had been developed elsewhere. Their<br />

growth has slowed as they have approached the technological<br />

frontier and as wages rose so that they were no<br />

longer low-wage countries.<br />

100 LIBERALISM AND CRONYISM

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