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250 THE TRIUMPH OF EVIL<br />

power), and although Chapter 2 documents <strong>the</strong> fact that communism<br />

is superior to capitalism in virtually all respects fo r virtually all people<br />

except <strong>the</strong> super rich, most are still swayed by <strong>the</strong> very successful USA<br />

propaganda to <strong>the</strong> contrary. 1<br />

In addition, <strong>the</strong> USA propaganda is so powerful that many ignore <strong>the</strong><br />

fact that <strong>the</strong> USA itself only advocates "free market" capitalism when<br />

it is to its own advantage to do so. For instance, <strong>the</strong> USA itself was historically<br />

one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most protectionist countries in <strong>the</strong> world (Bairoch,<br />

1993), and its protectionist unfair trade strategy (combined with its successful<br />

imperialist policies) greatly facilitated its wealth accumulation<br />

(Smith, 2000). Now that it has accumulated such a large amount <strong>of</strong><br />

capital from plundering <strong>the</strong> world for so long (through both trade and<br />

military conquests, which complemented one ano<strong>the</strong>r), <strong>the</strong> USA currently<br />

advocates "free markets." In particular, <strong>the</strong> USA's higher productivity<br />

per worker (relative to that <strong>of</strong> most workers <strong>of</strong> less developed<br />

countries, whose lack <strong>of</strong> loot results in <strong>the</strong>m having far less capital<br />

and technological equipment with which to operate) enables USA corporations<br />

to be extremely competitive in most industries (ins<strong>of</strong>ar as<br />

<strong>the</strong> greater mechanization <strong>of</strong> production in <strong>the</strong> USA enables it to have<br />

lower overall costs even with much higher hourly labor costs). Never<strong>the</strong>less,<br />

even today, whenever USA industries are threatened by foreign<br />

imports, <strong>the</strong> USA government ei<strong>the</strong>r subsidizes its domestic indus·<br />

try (Mat<strong>the</strong>ws, 1999) or engages in all kinds <strong>of</strong> protectionist policies,<br />

including imposing quotas, tariffs, and artificial technical standards<br />

against foreign imports in many different industries like citrus, sugar,<br />

meat processing, steel, and textiles (M<strong>of</strong>fett, 1997).<br />

There is <strong>the</strong>refore a great deal <strong>of</strong> hypocrisy in <strong>the</strong> USA advocating<br />

free trade at <strong>the</strong> same time that it itself employs protectionism, includ·<br />

ing against imports from countries that are more oriented to free mar·<br />

kets than <strong>the</strong> USA and that have larger balance <strong>of</strong> payments problems<br />

(Hilsenrath, 1999). Such unfair trading practices are engaged in not<br />

only by <strong>the</strong> USA but also by o<strong>the</strong>r wealthy countries (like Westem<br />

Europe and Japan), and <strong>the</strong>y are typically directed against even <strong>the</strong><br />

poorest countries (whose income per capita is less than 1/60 that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

richest countries), which are <strong>the</strong>reby hindered from earning <strong>the</strong> export<br />

income <strong>the</strong>y need to finance growth and attract foreign investment and<br />

technology (Economist, 1992). Although <strong>the</strong> WTO is supposed to be a<br />

CHAPTER 7<br />

worldwide organization that represents <strong>the</strong> world in terms <strong>of</strong> promoting<br />

and enforcing fair trade practices, <strong>the</strong> WTO is widely acknowledged to<br />

be run by <strong>the</strong> USA, albeit with some minor input from its Western European<br />

and Japanese allies in worldwide exploitation (Cooper, 1999). One<br />

USA think tank itself has stated, "There is a widespread view abroad<br />

that globalization is being forced on <strong>the</strong> world by American corporations,<br />

that globalization is Americanization" (Washington Post, 1999).<br />

25 1<br />

Besides serving as a very valuable tool for <strong>the</strong> USA to propagandize<br />

<strong>the</strong> superiority <strong>of</strong> its capitalist system (and motivate its globalization<br />

to <strong>the</strong> USA's advantage), <strong>the</strong> USA's Cold War victory now enables <strong>the</strong><br />

USA to more easily slaughter people <strong>of</strong> countries that refuse to submit<br />

to USA wishes and demands (such as nations refusing to submit to<br />

capitalist globalization), as <strong>the</strong>re is little hope <strong>of</strong> outside help from<br />

a more benevolent, balancing power like <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union. Although<br />

<strong>the</strong>re is some competition for economic power in some regions from<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r exploitative capitalist countries such as those <strong>of</strong> Western Europe<br />

(Griswold, l999a), <strong>the</strong> USA's strategy for world domination was con­<br />

finned in a February 18, 1992 policy statement issued by <strong>the</strong> Pentagon<br />

in conjunction with <strong>the</strong> National Security Council and in consultation<br />

with <strong>the</strong> USA President (Tyler, 1992). Reflecting on "<strong>the</strong> fundamen­<br />

tally new situation which has been created by <strong>the</strong> collapse <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />

Union ... and <strong>the</strong> discrediting <strong>of</strong> Communism as an ideology," <strong>the</strong> Pen­<br />

tagon document states, "our strategy must now refocus on precluding<br />

<strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> any potential future global competitor," and "we will<br />

retain <strong>the</strong> pre-eminent responsibility for addressing selectively those<br />

�ngs which threaten not only our interests, but those <strong>of</strong> our allies or<br />

friends, or which could seriously unsettle international relations" (New<br />

York nmes, 1992). Secretary <strong>of</strong> Defense William Perry spoke even more<br />

to <strong>the</strong> point in 1997, "Since we are <strong>the</strong> only superpower in <strong>the</strong> world,<br />

every country is in our national interest" (lAC, 1998a), and <strong>the</strong>re are<br />

now �SA occupation troops and military bases in more than half <strong>the</strong><br />

COUntries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world (Catalinotto, 1997).<br />

The USA's world dominance is <strong>of</strong>ten subtly referred to as a man­<br />

datory internationalism which however is very one-way ins<strong>of</strong>ar as<br />

Americans "find it quit� natura'l to press�e <strong>the</strong> Japanese to make _ life<br />

� for <strong>the</strong>ir consumers <strong>the</strong> South Koreans to abandon crony capltal­<br />

tsrn, <strong>the</strong> Russians to coll;ct taxes" (Grunwald, 2000), but it goes with-

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