austin-murphy-the-triumph-of-evil

142 THE TR IUMPH OF EVIL
began to demonstrate with placards "For an open country with free
people," as reported by Tetzner (1990). Their signs were tom down
immediately by secret police but not before Western reporters had taken
pictures. On September 18, 1989, this action was fo llowed up with a
demonstration of several hundred people, with some demanding the
right to leave the country. This demonstration was also quickly dis·
persed by police, and approximately one hundred people were arrested.
These incidents were fo llowed by a similar demonstration of over a
thousand people on September 25. As usual, this latter demonstration
was also broken up by police, and numerous suspected ringleaders were
arrested for taking actions against the state (Schumann, 1990).
On Monday October 2, 1989, another demonstration ensued in the
center of Leipzig, as also reported by Tetzner ( 1990). This time the dem·
onstrators did not yell anti-government slogans. Instead, they chanted
Gorbachev's name to demonstrate their support for their communist
ally. They also shouted "We're staying here" to show that they were
not people who wanted to illegally emigrate. Such slogans did not give
the police adequate cause to make arrests and disperse the demonstra·
tors. The failure of the police to act and the supportive nature of the
slogans also gave the demonstrators a sense of legitimacy. As a resu�t,
as the demonstrators walked peacefully around the plazas and parks m
the center of Leipzig, many other people who were strolling in the area
joined the group. The crowd soon grew to approximately three thou·
sand people. Although police cordoned off some areas and roads to pre·
vent the demonstration from blocking all traffic, no violence or arrests
occurred. The slogans remained supportive of Communism (as opposed
to demanding reforms), with the most militant cries to the police on that
day being "Shame on you for not letting us through." Only after mos� of
the demonstrators had gone home did verbal and physical provocatiOn
of the police occur, which resulted in a few arrests.
On October 7, 1989, normal official festivities were held in Leipzig
to celebrate the 40th anniversary of East Germany. Several well-known
dissidents used the opportunity to speak to masses of people gathered
fo r the fe stivities. The East German police were already prepared and
quickly dispersed the crowds with water cannons and numerous arrests
(Schnauze, 1990).
CHAPTER 3
THE DECISIVE DAY
143
Renewed arrests and violent dispersal of demonstrators in Leipzig
on October 7, combined with the news of violence in Dresden on Octo­
ber 4 and in East Berlin on October 7, led many to fear the worst for
the Monday October 9 demonstration in Leipzig (Bahrm� and L�ks,
1994). As a precaution, a large number ofEast German pohce, soldters,
and tanks had been called into the city, and orders had been issued
by the East German leader (Erich Honecker) and by the secret police
chief (Erich Mielke) not to allow the demonstration to occur (Kuhn,
1992). There were rumors in Leipzig that a slaughtering of demonstra­
tors might occur, as it had in communist China in June of 1989 (Bah­
rman and Links, 1994). People were warned not to go toward the center
of the city after 5 P.M., and some schools and businesses in the center
of the city were closed early to allow the people to go home before then
(Kuhn, 1992). In this situation, there may have been only a very small
number of people brave enough to join in the demonstration on that
day, and the police might have been able to disperse the few courageous
demonstrators as usual.
However, a series of events then occurred that dramatically changed
the course of history but has rarely been reported by anyone except
Kuhn (1992), who interviewed many of the key participants. To begin,
early on the morning of October 9, Walter Friedrich, a professor for
youth culture at the University of Leipzig, drove to East Berlin to confer
with his old friend Egon Krenz, who held an important position in t�e
East German government's policy-making committee called the poht­
buro. In addition to his position in the politburo, Egon Krenz was also in
charge of security and was the head of the East German youth organization
called the Free German Youth. Friedrich convinced Krenz to check
to make sure that the police and other troops had been given orders not
to shoot. In addition, he pleaded with Krenz to try and have the security
f�rces show restraint, unless the demonstration turned destructiye or
Vtolent. He also suggested that Krenz replace the old sick leader of East
Gennany (Erich Honecker) and take charge of the country himself.
After Friedrich left, Krenz attempted to contact the East German
l eader, but the old man was in meetings all day. Because Krenz was
unable to reach Honecker, he called the various ministers of the central
government in charge of the various police forces (such as the secret