The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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it was not controlled by Catholic clergy and doctrine. 92 As early as 1974, The Free Lance Star identified the conflict between non-Catholic leaders and Catholic clergy, and deemed the “Anti-abortion crusade crumbling.” 93 The Star described the battle between the Protestant leaders of the NRLC and the clergy-controlled National Committee for a Human Life Amendment throughout the article. Judy Fink’s and Marjory Mecklenburg’s comments against the clergy’s overbearing involvement were included, deeming the battle proof that “Catholics are trying to control the pro-life movement.” 94 Mecklenburg initially reached out to Carolyn Gerster of Phoenix, Arizona, who later became the president of the NRLC. Mecklenburg phoned Gerster in Arizona days after Roe, asking for her help on the national level. Mecklenburg asserted the NRLC “was too Catholic, it placed multistate meetings on Catholic campuses, [and] its director was a priest.” 95 Gerster recalled that Mecklenburg found the solution simple: “[t]his is obvious, now that the court decision has occurred – we need a national nonsectarian organization.” 96 Mecklenburg had a broader scope than the NRLC and many pro-life sympathizers cared to take on; Mecklenburg was concerned with human life more broadly. Yet in her wish to tackle issues like capital punishment, birth control, and adoption, combined with her non-religious and non-partisan approach, she maintained herself as one of the less controversial and more wide-reaching pro-life advocates of the contemporary debate. 92 As of June 10, 1973, these women were: Marjory Mecklenburg, Dr. Mildred Jefferson, Dr. Carolyn Gerster, Judith Fink, and Gloria Klein (of Michigan Citizens Concerned for Life). Marj Mecklenburg Elected Board Chairman, NRLC Reorganizes to Push Amendment, ACCL Records, Box 35, Folder: ACCL Admin File: M. Mecklenburg 1973-76 (1), Gerald R. Ford Library. 93 “Anti-abortion crusade crumbling,” The Free-Lance Star, 24 June 1974, page 4, . 94 Ibid. 95 Gerster, quoted in Gorney, 178. 96 Ibid. 95
As previously explored, Mecklenburg, other MCCL founders, and other non- Catholics turned away from the NRLC, certain the organization was overly controlled by Catholic bishops and Catholic agenda, to found their own national group (ACCL) to champion the pro-life agenda on a broader and often more liberal level. In this way, Mecklenburg represented a common thread and common characteristics throughout this work’s pro-life story. She founded, stayed with, and led the movements traced throughout this thesis and represents an alternative to the stereotypically Catholic, Republican, male, and largely religious and conservative anti-abortion movement that history and the public has tended to construct during its early years and ever since. Beyond her status as an exemplar of this alternative anti-abortion/pro-life trend and movement, she progressed further as an activist than any other figure explored here. Mecklenburg was first recruited to join the Ford-Dole Campaign Committee in 1976, while serving as the president of ACCL. She travelled to Washington as a volunteer worker to help with the campaign; in keeping with her ever-broad approach to abortion and family planning issues, she asserted “[m]y activity…is not to be construed narrowly or exclusively as dealing with abortion.” 97 Pro-life activists had reached a national stage to propel their message; Mecklenburg, according to the National Catholic Register, in fact “express[ed] confidence…her input reache[d] the President in some form.” 98 Already a prominent player on the national stage, Mecklenburg soon obtained a government appointment, which made her an insider, rather than a struggling lobbyist and volunteer worker constantly appealing for pro-life legislation. As the decade turned, 97 Patrick Riley, “Pro-Life Leader Marjory Mecklenburg Joins Ford-Dole Campaign Committee,” National Catholic Register, 10 October 1976, ACCL Records, Box 45, Folder: ACCL Political File: 76 Pres. Campaign – Ford (1), Gerald R. Ford Library. 98 Ibid. 96
Page 1 and 2:
Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4:
Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8:
this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10:
in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12:
is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14:
major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16:
Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18:
Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
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practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22:
would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24:
instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26:
threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28:
the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30:
of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32:
from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34:
underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36:
who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38:
However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40:
issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42:
Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44:
yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46:
anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48:
emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80: and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88: On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90: multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92: asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94: Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96: nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98: administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99: and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 103 and 104: million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106: Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108: The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110: on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112: abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114: Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116: legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118: ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120: Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122: Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123: Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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