The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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defenseless human beings who are threatened by society’s anti-life attitudes.” 24 While national groups like the NRLC ran into conflict and confrontation over the religiosity and financial support of the Catholic Church, MCCL avoided the split the national movement experienced. MCCL was successfully and effectively able to focus on its state efforts as a unified group because of its well-established medical, moral, and non-religious rhetoric. While a Human Life Amendment (HLA) or a repeal of the Supreme Court decisions would take time, MCCL realized that smaller victories on the state level were firstly more easily attained and secondly a more appropriate focus for a state-wide group. National groups devoted most of their time and energy toward the HLA and a decision repeal, so state groups largely focused on state- and local-level issues. However, these statewide victories should not serve as evidence that MCCL, as an organization, had maintained an exclusively state level focus. On the contrary, MCCL started to believe, and years later reflected, that “no longer could a state group concern itself only with legislation within its own state [after Roe v. Wade]. The issue had become national, and it was now the responsibility of stronger state pro-life groups like MCCL to help build organizations in states which had underdeveloped groups or no statewide groups at all.” 25 Arguably the largest and most successful statewide organization, MCCL became the example to other state groups in tactics, success, and leadership. MCCL members participated in their first annual march at the Minnesota state capitol and in the national movement’s march in Washington D.C. on the first anniversary of the Roe decision on January 22, 1974; the tradition still occurs today and has every year since the decision itself. “March for Life” showed national behavior on Archives. 24 Ibid.. 25 History of Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life Pamphlet, page 2, February 1995, MCCL 49
the part of state groups and created some semblance of solidarity nationwide, despite differing achievements and volunteer ranks from state to state. Realizing such differences, MCCL launched its Mission Possible program in 1975 to develop other statewide pro-life groups across the country. 26 MCCL targeted those states that did not have a prominent or successful pro-life group prior to the Roe decision, or prior to 1975. As a continuation of the Midwest coalition efforts previously mentioned, Mission Possible was intended to help jump-start state pro-life groups more aggressively; MCCL raised money and gave counsel and advice, often in the form of visits and literature, to new groups, and gave matching grants to those pro-life organizations that had already developed. Additionally, according to then-president Darla St. Martin, “[l]ocal leaders have reported that in many chapters the program has inspired a renewed sense of pro-life commitment and new hope for the ultimate success of our cause.” 27 Evidently, not only did Mission Possible invigorate and organize pro-life activists in other states, but it also helped further motivate Minnesotans locally. All this was aimed at MCCL’s and the larger pro-life movement’s ultimate goal of “prepar[ing] the country to enact a Human Life Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.” 28 In 1976, MCCL began its Lifemobile effort; beginning in June, MCCL volunteers travelled with a mobile exhibit around the state to educate and recruit Minnesotans about and for their cause. According to MCCL, the Lifemobile “used literature and striking graphics to inform hundreds of thousands of people about the facts of life before birth 26 MCCL: Forty Years Forty Victories Pamphlet, 12 June 2008, St Paul, MN, MCCL Archives. 27 Darla St. Martin, “Mission Possible off to good start,” MCCL Newsletter, December 1975, page 3, MCCL Archives, Minneapolis, MN. 28 Ibid. 50
Page 1 and 2:
Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8: this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24: instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26: threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80: and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88: On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90: multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92: asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94: Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96: nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98: administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100: and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102: As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104: million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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