The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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consent upon her own request to a competent physician?” 31 Nationwide, the results showed 62.8% of physicians in favor; in Minnesota, only 55.6% were in favor. 32 Minnesotan physicians did not have a clear stance on the issue; they did not champion law reform like they had in the nineteenth century. MCCL’s ability to recruit physicians was the reason all physicians didn’t subscribe to the pro-abortion camp. Joining activists from various professions, doctors took part in both sides of the debate. Clearly, the 1950s brought about a change in the abortion issue within the medical profession. As articulated before, because of the authority and unique technical language of physicians in the debate, one could argue that doctors themselves needed to change their opinions for any large shifts to occur. Because of the growing disparity of the administration of abortions from doctor to doctor, paired with the controversial guidelines of the hospital abortion committees, many physicians began to reject their strictly antiabortion, nineteenth-century platforms on the issue. And yet, nineteenth-century physicians could not win over a majority of the public and legislators on their own in the first Crusade, and neither would they do the same in the twentieth century. 33 In the 1850s, sensational stories in the New York Times and the support of feminists helped promote awareness of the cause to people that physicians could not reach or convince. 34 Likewise, in the early 1960s, increased press coverage, growing knowledge of abortion problems, and the help of concerned citizens outside the medical sphere motivated a movement for the reversal of the nineteenth-century abortion laws. This in turn triggered 31 Modern Medicine, About Us, last modified 2010, http://www.modernmedicine.com/aboutus; “Recent Public Opinion Polls” Handout, 1969, Box 2, Folder: 1969-96 Opinion Polls: Abortion MN & NAT, NARAL Pro-Choice MN Records. 32 Ibid. 33 Mohr, 146. 34 Ibid., 172. 21
the actions of new twentieth-century state and national anti-abortion advocates. These activists joined state groups like MCCL and national groups like the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) and American Citizens Concerned for Life (ACCL). While these new anti-abortion organizers had nineteenth-century predecessors, their contemporary identity was more diverse and their tactics were more organized and innovative in the North Star State and nationwide. 22
Page 1 and 2: Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8: this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24: instances also increased awareness
Page 25: threat of abortion criminalization
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78:
in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80:
and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82:
willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84:
Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86:
women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88:
On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90:
multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92:
asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94:
Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96:
nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98:
administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100:
and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102:
As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104:
million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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