The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

history of activism – all of these factors influenced the early anti-abortion leaders of
Minnesota to take action, and served these actors well in the post-Roe years. Further
motivated by the Roe v. Wade decision, MCCL’s efforts since 1973 can be explained by
its earlier activity in the pre-Roe years. The group’s reluctance to deploy religious
language in favor of medical and political rhetoric reveals both MCCL’s mimicry of proabortion
tactics and its efforts to appeal to a broad citizenry. It was MCCL’s ability to
identify and align itself with the unique characteristics of Minnesota’s political culture
and the appropriate vocabulary of the abortion debate that allowed much of its great
success. The same holds true in instances later explored in the national post-Roe debate.
Further, this early and highly organized group became a breeding ground of educated and
experienced anti-abortion leaders, who moved on to the newly formed national groups
after 1973. For instance, MCCL founders became involved in the National Right to Life
Committee and Americans United for Life, serving as presidents, editors, and board
members in the years after Roe v. Wade.
This long history of the Minnesota abortion debate is best explained
chronologically. I will justify MCCL’s language and tactics through an identification of
the themes that emerged in the nineteenth century abortion debate, an explanation of its
rival group’s activists and efforts in the 1960s and 70s, and an analysis of how MCCL fit
into Minnesota’s political culture in its pre-Roe years. Further, the politicization of the
issue after the Roe v. Wade decision necessitated flexibility among national pro-life
activists. Those who were able to adapt and broadly appeal to the dominant rhetoric and
multiple constituencies later in the movement were the most successful activists. These
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