The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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century before with Storer and the Physician’s Crusade. In the 19 th and 20 th centuries alike, the AMA’s central mission was advancing the status and interests of the medical profession. In the 1960s, physicians were often accused of overstepping the maternal life protection clause of the Minnesota law in performing abortions as it became more broadly interpreted. 25 As a result, the AMA pursued law reform to protect its doctors from this criminalization over abortion law. Further promoted by the AMA endorsement, the ALI Moral Penal Code became the model for most liberalized abortion laws passed in the United States from 1959 to the 1973. 26 Minnesota’s agitators for reform frequently cited the ALI’s Code, and suggested reformed legislation for the state based on the Code as well. Indeed, this 1959 recommendation shaped much of the rhetoric and wording for the pre-Roe debate. The ALI’s Code had a strong impact in Minnesota. Aware of the recent ALI Code and other states’ decisions to reevaluate abortion laws, the 1967 annual meeting of the Minnesota State Medical Association House of Delegates in Duluth assigned a special committee to study the abortion problem. Later that year, the committee presented a draft of a Minnesota model abortion law to avoid situations that left “the doctor in a position where following his professional judgment may mean violation of the law.” 27 At this point in the abortion debate, the discussion was still within the framework of the medical profession, and did not yet concern itself with considerations for the health of the mother. As previously stated, medical authorities at this time were primarily concerned with the 25 Mohr, 20. 26 Ibid., 24. Twelve states passed laws identical to this code: Arkansas, California, Colorado, Delaware, Georgia, Kansas, Maryland, Mississippi, New Mexico, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia. All other laws adopted at least some of the ALI’s recommendations. 27 “Selected Handouts and Reports,” Box 1, Folder: Legislation: Minnesota 1967-1969, Katherine Taylor Wood Papers. 19
threat of abortion criminalization to the social prestige of the profession. Aware of the Minnesota Medical Association model law, the Minnesota State Legislature formed a committee in 1967 to study the question of abortion. It was this rumbling in the legislature that spurred the formation of MCCL. However, against the wishes of the ALI and AMA, the committee asserted it was “not the responsibility of this legislature to purify the race, and [remained] unwilling to permit abortion on the statistical possibility that a fetus may or may not be deficient.” 28 Despite the committee’s statement, or perhaps motivated by it, two additional bills were introduced in 1969 that would have declassified abortion as a crime and instead placed it under medical regulation in Minnesota. Neither bill was passed, but both sides of the abortion debate lobbied hard in committee hearings. 29 This was the first direct legislative confrontation between Minnesota pro- and anti-abortion groups. All this was happening in the years of significant change in public opinion on abortion, which also convinced MCCL its education and lobby efforts were vital at this time. A 1969 Planned Parenthood/World Population Poll was one of the first to publicly show a majority opinion that the abortion decision should be between a woman and her physician (57% to 37%, with 6% without an opinion). 30 In addition, the November 3 rd , 1969 issue of Modern Medicine, a self-defined “editorially neutral” magazine that discussed medical and surgical issues and education programs, released the results of a poll that asked “should abortion be available to any woman capable of giving legal 28 “State of Minnesota House of Representatives, House Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Abortion Laws, Interim Activities and Recommendations,” 1968, Box 1, Folder: Legislation Minnesota 1967-1969, Katherine Taylor Wood Papers. 29 “Abortion Measure Withdrawn in Senate,” St. Paul Dispatch, 15 May 1969, Box 3, Folder: Newspaper Clippings 1969, Katherine Taylor Wood Papers. 30 “Public Opinion,” Handout, Box 2, Folder: 1969-96 Opinion Polls: Abortion MN & NAT, NARAL Pro-Choice MN Records, Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, MN. 20
Page 1 and 2: Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8: this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23: instances also increased awareness
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76:
nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78:
in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80:
and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82:
willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84:
Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86:
women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88:
On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90:
multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92:
asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94:
Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96:
nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98:
administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100:
and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102:
As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104:
million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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