The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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action is now.” 107 While Mecklenburg and ACCLers alike celebrated the appointment, she “had her work cut out for her,” according to McKeegan. 108 Mecklenburg soon faced attacks from more conservative pro-life activists for her support of birth control for teenagers, and also faced a Title X program staff that was “out of control.” 109 The staff comprised a majority of career health professionals, who insisted all patients be fully briefed on the abortion option in counseling; McKeegan argues Mecklenburg could not change the program for her cause without shifting control away from these “public health careerists.” 110 Externally and in line with the fears of the New Right, Mecklenburg identified a decline in moral values that would prove difficult for the rising generation of teenagers. In a 1983 Minneapolis Star Tribune article, Mecklenburg explained she worried because “[t]he world has changed so quickly…Teen-agers are bombarded with messages about…sex without responsibility. Parents don’t talk to their children about sex, so young people are left without the information they need to make decisions. It is our generation that has created the environment these teenagers live in. So our generation has to help somehow in giving them the tools to cope.” 111 In tune with the New Right sentiment of declining values and increased promiscuity, Mecklenburg publicly called for and implemented government action responding to this moral fear and controversial issues of abortion and birth control. As had been the case for Mecklenburg in the past, she would take decisive and pioneering action, but not without resistance. 107 Telegram from Joseph A. Lampe to Mrs. Emily Fahey, 9 March 1981, ACCL Records, Box 29, Folder: Telephone Scripts, Gerald R. Ford Library. 108 McKeegan, 67. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid. 111 Jacqui Banaszynski, “Mecklenburg: Grass-roots work vital to abortion foes,” Minneapolis Star & Tribune, 26 May 1983, ACCL Records, Box 35, Folder: M. Mecklenburg Fed Positions, Gerald R. Ford Library. 99
Almost immediately after her appointment, Congress defeated a proposal to give states the power to run the program. Always an advocate of state action, Mecklenburg responded to the Congressional defeat by shifting the OAPP’s programs and over $175 million in funding to, in effect, give the states power. She gave one Title X grant per state health department. Mecklenburg constantly pushed to place the abortion debate back on a state level throughout her pro-life activist career. She was most familiar with that type of debate, as the state was where her activism began; even in her work in NRLC and ACCL, she always wanted open affiliation and dialogue between the state and national groups. Mecklenburg once again brought the abortion debate back to the states when serving in her government appointment. Perhaps she was motivated by the possibility some states would grant money to conservative family planning organizations and remove funds from more liberal ones (which would not happen if the grants were made on a national level). Dividing grants among the states, rather than distributing them at a national level, gave the pro-life movement hope that at least some victories could be won. 112 Additionally, for “reasons of efficiency,” Mecklenburg began reassigning members of the DHHS Washington office who were pro-choice. 113 Some had directly countered her in the past. Bill White, for example, a Title X supervisor, had recently been involved in a lawsuit against Planned Parenthood on accusations of mismanagement. Pro-life activists filed over 500 complaints against the organization in 112 This plan obtained the results Marjory and pro-life activists hoped for; the state of Utah transferred $440,000 from Planned Parenthood to its state health department. The state health department required parental permission for minors to obtain birth control; Planned Parenthood did not. Without needing to draft or pass any national legislation, Marjory had successfully (and secondarily) imposed greater restrictions on family planning, a result that certainly pleased pro-life activists. 113 McKeegan, 67. 100
Page 1 and 2:
Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4:
Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8:
this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10:
in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12:
is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14:
major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16:
Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18:
Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
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practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22:
would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24:
instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26:
threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28:
the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30:
of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32:
from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34:
underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36:
who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38:
However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40:
issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42:
Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44:
yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46:
anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48:
emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50:
the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52:
When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80: and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88: On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90: multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92: asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94: Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96: nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98: administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100: and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102: As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103: million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 107 and 108: The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110: on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112: abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114: Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116: legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118: ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120: Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122: Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123: Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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