The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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A Brief Overview: Minnesota Politics and Culture, Its Unique Forum in Fostering the Abortion Debate, and Setting the Stage for Minnesota Activists to Continue on a Post-Roe National Scale In the still snow-covered days of a Minnesota March in 1968, a group of neighbors and concerned citizens met in the living room of George and Alice Hartle, in the heart of the Calhoun-Isles district of Minneapolis. Alice, a former lobbyist, had recently organized the meeting with the help of Reverend William Hunt, as both had become concerned with recent rumblings in the Minnesota state legislature that would attempt to overturn a Minnesota bill that outlawed abortion. Present too were the husband and wife pair, Robert and Mary Joyce, a Catholic professor and writer, respectively, from nearby St. Cloud. Dr. Fred and Mrs. Marjory Mecklenburg were also in attendance; they were vocal Methodists who shared a backyard with the Hartles. 1 These friends, among others, had come together to contemplate the formation of an organization to prevent the liberalization of the Minnesota law. While some, like the Hartles and the Joyces, were easily persuaded to join the cause, Marjory Mecklenburg was hesitant. Unsure of her opinions, especially on such a broad issue with great implications and varying instances for consideration, she did not subscribe to the group right away. However, later in the meeting, and perhaps after her husband, Fred, was voted the first president of the organization on the spot, Marjory joined the board. 2 With 1 Mary and Robert Joyce, interview with author, 4 November 2010, St. Cloud, MN. 2 Ibid. Throughout the remainder of this thesis, I will typically use “Fred” to refer to Fred Mecklenburg, and “Mecklenburg” to refer to Marjory Mecklenburg. 1
this first neighborhood grassroots meeting, Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life (MCCL) was born. Many Americans today conventionally define the anti-abortion movement as a pushback against Roe v. Wade, as a post-1973 national phenomenon dominated by evangelical Christian leaders and conservative voices from pulpits, podiums, and neighborhood patios. But this story is incomplete. Thousands of people organized against legalized abortion through statewide and nationwide groups well before 1973. This 1968 Minnesota start represents just one of these groups. The immediate actions of this movement in the days after the Roe decision is strong evidence for the high level of long-standing organization, structure, and support of these early groups. On January 23, 1973, groups issued pamphlets, wrote newspaper articles, gave speeches, and organized rallies demonstrating direct opposition to the decision, issued the previous day. Without an established network of identifiable anti-abortion activists, little of this immediate action would have been possible. These state and national anti-abortion groups established themselves in the late 1960s, and pushed their own agendas by mimicking the tactics and rhetoric of pro-abortion activists as they navigated through many themes and issues that had shaped the abortion debate for over a century. 3 Clearly, this anti-abortion movement has a significant pre-Roe story. 3 I will use the terms pro-abortion and anti-abortion in the first part of this paper, in alignment with the dominant rhetoric in the late 1960s and early 1970s in Minnesota and nationwide. I will use the terms pro-life and pro-choice in alignment with the changing rhetoric in primary sources found that occurred over time, and began at the time of the Roe v. Wade decision. The author is aware of the possible political charge of such terms in contemporary times, yet does not wish to push any political or moral view in this paper. The author asserts the terms were more neutral ones in the pre-Roe era and in the short-term after the decision. The rhetoric used throughout the paper corresponds to the terms that appeared in newspaper articles and government papers at the given time. The author in particular mirrors the language modeled in the State of Minnesota House of Representatives Report, House Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Abortion Laws, Interim Activities and Recommendations Report from January- December 1968 and in Congressional Minutes from Subcommittee Hearings after Roe. i As one of the first 2
Page 1 and 2: Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24: instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26: threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58:
physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60:
58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62:
looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64:
War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66:
the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68:
should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70:
with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72:
ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74:
decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76:
nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78:
in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80:
and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82:
willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84:
Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86:
women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88:
On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90:
multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92:
asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94:
Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96:
nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98:
administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100:
and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102:
As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104:
million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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