The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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Headlines like “Catholics ‘Main Foe of Abortion,’” and “Cooke Blasts Abortion From Pulpit,” which detailed the meetings and partnership between clergy and President Ford and the general statements of Catholic clergy in Congressional hearings, cast the abortion issue as a decidedly Catholic one. 17 After these incidences, Mecklenburg and Fink “charged the Catholic Church with playing into the hands of abortionists by giving the issue the appearance of being one of religious differences.” 18 These words indicated the beginnings of the split, whose foundations lay far beneath simple annoyance with the clergy testimony in the Senate. At first, these leaders tried aggressively to reform the NRLC from the inside; however, they eventually realized the best way to continue their efforts was apart from the NRLC. Even among the NRLC’s elected leaders and board of directors, internal tensions were high. In a letter dated November 1, 1972 about the upcoming national meeting of the NRLC, Executive Secretary Michael Taylor set an agenda that would avoid strategy, but instead focused on organizing the structure of the group itself. Questions like “What…are organizational needs/goals of the pro-life movement on the specifically national level?” and “What are the resources available/needed to accomplish some/all of these goals?” were the scheduled discussion topics. 19 The previously mentioned proposal for national organization drafted by MCCL leaders to instead expand national activity 17 Bob Protzman, “Catholics ‘Main Foe of Abortion,’” St. Paul Pioneer Press, 2 April 1971, C9, from the private papers of Mary and Robert Joyce, given to the author after interview; and George James, “Cooke Blasts Abortion From Pulpit,” Daily News, 27 September 1976, page 3, President Ford Committee Records, 1975-76, Office: William Russo Political Subject File, Abortion (1), Box C25, Folder: Abortion Issue (2), Gerald R. Ford Library. 18 Catholic Star Herald, 29 March 1974, quoted in Carlton Sherwood, “Conflicts Lead to Forming of New Right-to-Life Unit,” Catholic Star Herald, Vol. 24 No. 18, 30 August 1974, page 1, ACCL Records, Box 7, Folder: NRLC – 1974 (5), ACCL Records, Gerald R. Ford Library. 19 “National Right to Life Committee Letter to the Board of Directors: Meeting on National Organization, Washington, D.D., Saturday, December 9, 1972, 9:30 a.m. – 5:00 p.m.,” 1 November 1972, ACCL Records, Box 4, Folder: National Right to Life Convention June 16-18, 1972, Gerald R. Ford Library. 73
and increase political effectiveness was also presented at this December meeting. While the questions asked by the NRLC executive board were vital to the continuation of the national movement and highly anticipated and welcomed by the disgruntled non-Catholic activists, the disagreement between attendees in answering these questions further disorganized the movement, and in fact acted against the hopes of the NRLC executive board and statewide leaders alike. This divide, introverted focus, and disorganization sheds valuable light on the timing of the historic Supreme Court decision of Roe v. Wade that would come just one month after the December NRLC national organization conference. Immediately after the Roe decision, the National Conference of Catholic Bishops formed the National Committee for the Human Life Amendment. The proposed Human Life Amendment would constitutionally ban abortion, and would effectively and temporarily place the debate back into the hands of the states. More specifically, the proposed amendments (there were over fifty by 1976) would apply the due process clause to any human from conception, or alternatively, extended the Fourteenth Amendment’s rights to the fetus. 20 The most prominent Human Life Amendment was proposed by the NRLC, which protected human life “at every moment of biological development.” 21 However, many Catholics, including American bishops, were unsatisfied with the amendment despite its passage through the NRLC. In their view, it did not strictly align with Catholic abortion doctrine, which forbid any abortions after conception (a word that was absent from the HLA), despite risk to the mother’s life. In 1974, pro-life supporter Dr. James Diamond wrote that the rigidity of Catholic and NRLC activists would be the 20 Critchlow, 202. 21 James J. Diamond, “The Troubled Anti-Abortion Camp,” America, 10 August 1974, Vol. 131, Issue 3, 52-54, 53. 74
Page 1 and 2:
Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4:
Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6:
Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8:
this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10:
in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12:
is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14:
major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16:
Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18:
Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20:
practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22:
would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24:
instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26:
threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88: On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90: multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92: asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94: Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96: nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98: administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100: and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102: As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104: million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106: Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108: The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110: on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112: abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114: Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116: legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118: ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120: Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122: Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123: Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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