The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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To further the wave of state resolutions, MCCL intended to bond Midwestern states together and rally all legislatures in the area to support a repeal of the 1973 decisions. Marjory Mecklenburg, then standing president of MCCL, sent letters to all nearby right-to-life groups and individuals in Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska, and North and South Dakota, asking for “increased…cooperation among pro-life groups in the Midwest, and [to] conven[e]…a meeting…to discuss how we might be of more help to one another and create a stronger pro-life movement.” 17 Clearly, much of the abortion debate after Roe v. Wade turned to the law through lobbying and letter-writing, rather than medical lectures and general fundraisers; Staggenborg agrees, describing a shift from “directaction tactics” before Roe to “institutionalized tactics” after the decision. 18 Additionally, the success state and local pro-life groups often enjoyed spurred its opposition further; a pro-choice Chicago Women’s Liberation Union Newsletter argued that “[s]ince the antiabortion groups are proceeding largely through conventional pressure group channels – lobbying, letter-writing, etc. – it seems reasonable for us in this instance to expend some amount of energy to organize a counter-letter campaign.” 19 While the pre-Roe debate demonstrated anti-abortion forces mimicking the tactics of their pro-abortion counterparts, post-Roe tactics were defined by pro-life forces, which were then copied by their pro-choice foes. Indeed, MCCL focused their efforts after the Roe decision on obtaining pro-life victories through the state legislature. MCCL did not copy the tactics of the opposition, but instead countered Roe and Doe through new and more aggressive avenues. While 17 Letter to Midwest Pro-Life Leaders from Joseph A. Lampe and Marjory Mecklenburg, 15 August 1972, ACCL Records, Box 11, Folder: Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life 1972, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. 18 Staggenborg, 59. 19 Chicago Women’s Liberation Union News, August 1973, quoted in Staggenborg, 70. 47
their efforts prior to the decision focused, and were largely argued, on medical vocabulary and appeals to physicians across the state, the abortion issue was now an issue of law, and MCCL began to treat it as such. After persistent lobbying and letter-writing throughout 1973, the group obtained its first victory in the 1973 Human Conceptus Law (MN Code § 145.422), which prohibited experimentation on living human fetuses “except to protect the life or health of the conceptus…[Those in violation] shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor.” 20 Additionally, Minnesotan lobbyists framed the issue as a religiously neutral one, and many of the lobbyists were Protestants. According to Darla St. Martin, one of the lobbyists and a future president of MCCL, the group visited all 201 legislators to push the pro-life cause. 21 When asked how she attained success, she said the non-religious view aided MCCL, as “[i]t would be easier for the legislators to say no if they thought this was just a Catholic issue.” 22 Certainly, the early tactics and framings of MCCL allowed the group to succeed even when the debate began to change in the years after the Roe v. Wade decision. MCCL remained undefined by religion or political party (although it did lobby and support certain candidates); the group realized that “Individual Donations Keep MCCL Going,” not the financial backing of a party or church. 23 This May 1974 newsletter stated, “MCCL is not financed by the Catholic church or by a few wealthy patrons, but rather by dedicated individuals who believe that they can put their money to no better use than to help protect the unborn and all other 20 Palmer, 229. 21 “Officers, New Directors Elected At Annual Board Meeting,” MCCL Newsletter, June 1974, page 1, MCCL Archives, Minneapolis, MN; “Leadership Positions Filled as MCCL Moves Forward,” MCCL Newsletter, May/June 1975, page 1, MCCL Archives, Minneapolis, MN; and “A New Cause: Many Americans Join Move to Ban Abortion; Legislators Take Note,” The Wall Street Journal. 22 Ibid. 23 “Individual Donations Keep MCCL Going,” MCCL Newsletter, May 1974, page 3, MCCL Archives, Minneapolis, MN. 48
Page 1 and 2: Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8: this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24: instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26: threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35 and 36: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 37 and 38: However, the Council did not offer
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80: and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88: On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90: multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92: asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94: Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96: nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98: administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100: and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102: As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104:
million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
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The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

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