The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

More documents

Recommendations

Info

the state’s moralistic political culture, defined by its communitarian ethic and mobilization of ordinary citizens to influence government actions. 26 Indeed, Halva- Neubauer argues that Minnesota’s “progressive tradition and activist politics” provided an environment in which groups like MCCL and MCLTP could flourish. 27 One could argue Minnesota’s moralistic political culture would make it a supportive atmosphere for religious statewide anti-abortion groups. After all, a quarter of the state’s population was Catholic in 1967. 28 Overall, Catholics seem to historically care more about abortion. According to sociologist James R. Kelly, the first “abortion opponents [in the United States were] disproportionately Catholic…self-recruited, selffinanced…[and] used Catholic parishes as resources for recruitment and meeting spaces.” 29 Did religious leaders champion the anti-abortion movement before MCCL? Perhaps surprisingly, they did not. Contrary to Kelly’s claim, religion was noticeably absent from the Minnesota abortion discussion, parallel to its absence in the nineteenth century movement. The Catholic Church largely failed to address the abortion issue on a united scale until the 1960s, with the Second Vatican Council in the early 1960s and Humanae Vitae in 1968. The Second Vatican Council (1962-5) denounced “whatever is opposed to life itself,” citing sins like murder, genocide, abortion, euthanasia, slavery and “disgraceful working conditions,” as “infamies…[and] poison [to] human society.” 30 26 Elazar, Gray, and Spano, xxiv and 10. 27 Halva-Neubauer, 30. 28 Ibid., 30. 29 James R. Kelly, “Learning and Teaching Consistency: Catholics and the Right-to-Life Movement,” in The Catholic Church and the Politics of Abortion, ed. Timothy A. Byrnes & Mary C. Segers, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), 154. 30 Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World (Gaudium Et Spes), Chapter 2, No 27, 7 December, 1965, . 31
However, the Council did not offer a distinct solution or suggest direct Catholic action. 31 Additionally, the 1963 Roman Catholic Colloquium did not notice or discuss the issue. 32 The influential Catholic conservative William Buckley, too, blamed clergy leadership in a 1970 Rochester Post article, asserting, “bishops and…priests are complacent, or…undecided about what ought to be the rights of others, in pluralistic situations.” 33 By the time Pope Paul VI circulated Humanae Vitae, a Papal encyclical “On the Regulation of Birth” condemning abortion and contraception, MCCL had already filled the vacancy left by Catholic bishops as the leader of the Minnesota anti-abortion movement. 34 Kelly’s nationwide claim cannot be applied to any Minnesota Catholic group; MCCL was the state’s first major anti-abortion group in the latter half of the twentieth century. Perhaps Humanae Vitae even strengthened MCCL. Enlightened by the encyclical, newly invigorated Catholics could easily join MCCL and work together with those of other or no faith to achieve the same goals. Indeed, Catholic Minnesotans did contribute as individual actors to the popularity of MCCL and the ideas for which it stood, even though they did not publicly assert their Catholic opinions as group members. 35 MCCL, like MCLTP, focused on secular arguments involving medical practices and realities of human life. Posing the abortion question as a Roman Catholic versus others debate would have proved wholly problematic; according to a article written by 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid.; and James R. Kelly, “Learning and Teaching Consistency: Catholics and the Right-to-Life Movement,” in The Catholic Church and the Politics of Abortion, ed. Timothy A. Byrnes & Mary C. Segers, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), 154. Author’s note: Surprisingly, Kelly does not mention Humanae Vitae. 33 William Buckley, “Catholic Anti-Abortion Influence Waning,” Rochester Post, 20 October 1970, Box 1, Folder: Newspaper Clippings 1967-1970, Governor Harold Levander Papers. 34 Paul VI, “Humanae Vitae,” 25 July 1968, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/paul_vi/e ncyclicals/doc uments/hf_pvi_enc_25071968_humanae-vitae_en.html. 35 Douglas Interview Transcript, Boxed 9 April 1993, Box 2, Folder 313, Kristin Luker Papers, Henry A. Murray Archive, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. 32
Page 1 and 2: Abortion as a “Medical Problem Br
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Acknowledgements
Page 5 and 6: Abbreviations ACCL - American Citiz
Page 7 and 8: this first neighborhood grassroots
Page 9 and 10: in New York, California, and Colora
Page 11 and 12: is a unique and important one to te
Page 13 and 14: major factors led to MCCL’s victo
Page 15 and 16: Well before Blackmun’s 1972 Mayo
Page 17 and 18: Chapter 1: The Pre-History of the C
Page 19 and 20: practice. The law as it stands is t
Page 21 and 22: would have functioned independently
Page 23 and 24: instances also increased awareness
Page 25 and 26: threat of abortion criminalization
Page 27 and 28: the actions of new twentieth-centur
Page 29 and 30: of the MCLTP. 3 In the early 1970s,
Page 31 and 32: from the Great Depression in its se
Page 33 and 34: underestimated his opponents, as MC
Page 35: who shared a “communitarian ethic
Page 39 and 40: issue-based and activist politics f
Page 41 and 42: Blake and Fred Mecklenburg and lobb
Page 43 and 44: yet united front against abortion l
Page 45 and 46: anti-abortion movement, but also be
Page 47 and 48: emerging organizations across the c
Page 49 and 50: the 1970s, and an additional thirte
Page 51 and 52: When news of Roe and Doe broke, MCC
Page 53 and 54: their efforts prior to the decision
Page 55 and 56: the part of state groups and create
Page 57 and 58: physical space in Minneapolis and r
Page 59 and 60: 58 of them were enacted. 37 Even fo
Page 61 and 62: looms as a menace to all mankind an
Page 63 and 64: War.” 56 President Gerald Ford di
Page 65 and 66: the 1976 Republican Party Platform,
Page 67 and 68: should be noted that pro-life activ
Page 69 and 70: with us.” 81 Needless to say, by
Page 71 and 72: ecord of being vindictive.” 90 Ca
Page 73 and 74: decades of involvement. Yet before
Page 75 and 76: nationwide effort organized by the
Page 77 and 78: in drastic (at the extreme, irrecon
Page 79 and 80: and increase political effectivenes
Page 81 and 82: willing to be window dressing - no
Page 83 and 84: Warren Schaller, and others to form
Page 85 and 86: women, which would become the speci
Page 87 and 88:
On multiple levels, ACCL became a p
Page 89 and 90:
multi-issue approach was a tactic a
Page 91 and 92:
asserted, “often a few key people
Page 93 and 94:
Lampe, and others) split to form AC
Page 95 and 96:
nomination. Jefferson’s tactics w
Page 97 and 98:
administration. 82 Lampe took over
Page 99 and 100:
and was also a member of Planned Pa
Page 101 and 102:
As previously explored, Mecklenburg
Page 103 and 104:
million; Schweiker’s stance and a
Page 105 and 106:
Almost immediately after her appoin
Page 107 and 108:
The last straw came when Mecklenbur
Page 109 and 110:
on the national scene cautiously, m
Page 111 and 112:
abortion debate she encountered as
Page 113 and 114:
Conclusion Supreme Court Justice Ha
Page 115 and 116:
legislatures, and celebrated occasi
Page 117 and 118:
ecognized nationwide as “one of t
Page 119 and 120:
Bibliography Archives and Interview
Page 121 and 122:
Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith.
Page 123:
Press, Eyal. Absolute Convictions:
show all

The Pre-Roe Pro-Life Movement in Minnesota and New York

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?