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Killings in Chechnya<br />
Zarema's end<br />
Aug 13th 2009 | MOSCOW<br />
From The Economist print edition<br />
More brutal murders in lawless Chechnya<br />
ZAREMA SADULAYEVA was not political. She did not investigate crimes<br />
committed by Russian and Chechen security men or write articles about<br />
<strong>the</strong>m. She ran an independent charity that helped children traumatised,<br />
physically and emotionally, by two Chechen wars. Her organisation, Save<br />
<strong>the</strong> Generation, dealt with those who had lost limbs and parents.<br />
AP<br />
On August 10th, in broad daylight, a group of armed men—some in<br />
military fatigues, o<strong>the</strong>rs in civilian clothing—walked into her office and took<br />
away her and her husband, Alik Djabrailov (a former rebel). The men<br />
returned to pick up <strong>the</strong> pair’s mobile phones and car. A few hours later,<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir bodies were found in <strong>the</strong> boot near Grozny, riddled with bullets. In<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir callousness and impunity <strong>the</strong> executions recalled <strong>the</strong> murder of<br />
Natalia Estemirova, a human-rights defender, a few weeks ago.<br />
The two women worked across <strong>the</strong> street from each o<strong>the</strong>r and shared <strong>the</strong><br />
belief that human life and dignity are more important than political<br />
Ano<strong>the</strong>r funeral in Grozny<br />
expediency. It is not a belief apparently held by <strong>the</strong> Chechen or Russian<br />
authorities. Shortly after <strong>the</strong> murder of Ms Estemirova, Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya’s president, told Radio<br />
Liberty that she had “no honour, dignity or conscience”. His henchmen consider human-rights workers<br />
legitimate targets. Mr Kadyrov bears much responsibility for <strong>the</strong> climate of impunity and terror in<br />
Chechnya. With <strong>the</strong> silent blessing of Vladimir Putin, Russia’s prime minister and his patron, Mr Kadyrov<br />
has created a totalitarian system in <strong>the</strong> province.<br />
Mr Kadyrov has been expanding his personal power, acting more as a Kremlin ally than as a subject and<br />
state employee. If Moscow had <strong>the</strong> will to investigate <strong>the</strong> murders of human-rights defenders and to<br />
protect <strong>the</strong> few still working in <strong>the</strong> region, it could easily do it. But <strong>the</strong> murders remain unsolved and<br />
human-rights activists, lawyers and journalists continue to die (a journalist was killed in neighbouring<br />
Dagestan on August 11th).<br />
An independent investigation in Chechnya would cause friction with Mr Kadyrov who is personally loyal to<br />
Mr Putin and whose means, in <strong>the</strong> Kremlin’s eyes, justify <strong>the</strong> end of stabilising Chechnya. In fact, Russia’s<br />
“victory” in <strong>the</strong> Chechen wars is deceptive. The entire north Caucasus remains a battleground, where<br />
people die daily. On August 12th armed rebels gunned down Ingushetia’s construction minister. The<br />
Kremlin has not made Chechnya into an integral, law-abiding part of Russia. But it has moved Russia<br />
closer to Chechnya.<br />
Copyright © 2009 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.<br />
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