advanced to scale down much. If <strong>the</strong>re is hope for <strong>the</strong> top brass, it is that Britain’s defence strategy will in <strong>the</strong> end be shaped by its international ambitions. Judging by a recent speech by William Hague, <strong>the</strong> shadow foreign secretary, or <strong>the</strong> admittedly little that is known of Mr Cameron’s foreign-policy instincts, a drastic curtailing of <strong>the</strong>se under <strong>the</strong> Tories is unlikely. A repeat of <strong>the</strong> scale and frequency of Mr Blair’s wars seems fanciful, but so does <strong>the</strong> prospect of Britain guarding its own turf and wishing <strong>the</strong> world away. Copyright © 2009 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved. -75-
Bankers' bonuses Watered down Aug 13th 2009 From The Economist print edition A new code on rewarding bankers will not restrict payouts NOBODY trembled when <strong>the</strong> Financial Services Authority (FSA), Britain’s financial watchdog, unveiled a new remuneration code for banks on August 12th. Ra<strong>the</strong>r than prescribing how big banks should mend <strong>the</strong>ir executives’ pay, it merely suggested some remedies. At issue are <strong>the</strong> perverse incentives which led some bankers to pitch <strong>the</strong>ir banks, and <strong>the</strong> entire financial system, into peril. Those who suffered were not usually <strong>the</strong>se overpaid employees but shareholders and taxpayers—and customers, who may have been ripped off along <strong>the</strong> way. Anyone hoping for a radical change will be disappointed—though <strong>the</strong> City will be relieved. The FSA’s initial draft in March contained threats to limit <strong>the</strong> share of bonuses that can be taken in cash, forcing at least two-thirds of <strong>the</strong> payout to be deferred and depend on future performance. Those threats have turned into “recommendations” that can be ducked, provided a bank can explain its behaviour. The FSA’s only real sanction will be to require a bank to put up more capital if its remuneration policy is judged over-risky. But how would <strong>the</strong> riskiness be calculated by anyone outside <strong>the</strong> bank? Peter Montagnon, investment-affairs director at <strong>the</strong> Association of British Insurers, which broadly applauds <strong>the</strong> new code, agrees that <strong>the</strong> calculation is a sticking-point. But “perhaps <strong>the</strong> threat of a higher capital requirement is enough,” he says. Nor did <strong>the</strong> FSA seem exercised by <strong>the</strong> news earlier this month that Barclays, a rapidly expanding bank, had agreed to pay a few new recruits multi-year guaranteed bonuses. The practice seems to be alive and well among banks trying to steal what <strong>the</strong>y regard as top talent from each o<strong>the</strong>r. Hector Sants, <strong>the</strong> FSA’s chief executive, maintained recently that <strong>the</strong> size of individual payments was a question not for <strong>the</strong> regulator but “for politicians and society as a whole”. Few in Westminster appear to have any appetite for it, though in France it is a different story. There, <strong>the</strong> government has ruled that bonuses, limited to a one-year guarantee, must be paid out of profits, not revenues (see article). The Conservative Party, which is likely to form <strong>the</strong> government after <strong>the</strong> next general election, to be held by June at <strong>the</strong> latest, is also reluctant to be prescriptive. “We don’t want a cap on pay, apart from a limit on cash bonuses paid to those in state-controlled banks,” says an adviser to George Osborne, <strong>the</strong> shadow chancellor. “But we don’t want business as usual ei<strong>the</strong>r.” The party would like to turn <strong>the</strong> FSA into a consumer-protection agency and give financial supervision to <strong>the</strong> Bank of England, which would be less inclined to kowtow to bankers, he says. At <strong>the</strong> heart of <strong>the</strong> general reluctance to be radical is a fear that unilateral measures might drive big banks away from London, putting its dominant financial position at risk. That is <strong>the</strong> main reason why <strong>the</strong> FSA’s code has been watered down, as its preamble admits. It will apply only to around 26 of <strong>the</strong> biggest banking operations based in <strong>the</strong> capital. And it looks unlikely now to be any tougher than standards being developed by <strong>the</strong> Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, a rich-country forum, and by <strong>the</strong> European Union. Copyright © 2009 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved. -76-
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SIR - You mentioned the slaughter d
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