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The Geneva conventions at 60<br />
Unleashing <strong>the</strong> laws of war<br />
Aug 13th 2009<br />
From The Economist print edition<br />
The chasm is still too wide between noble Swiss ideas and <strong>the</strong> hard reality of locations where<br />
war is hell<br />
AP<br />
Bosnia, where treaties didn’t help<br />
WALK <strong>the</strong> calm, well-heeled streets of Geneva and <strong>the</strong>re seems little to connect this metropolis in neutral<br />
Switzerland with <strong>the</strong> genocidal slaughter in Rwanda and <strong>the</strong> rape camps of Bosnia in <strong>the</strong> 1990s, or <strong>the</strong><br />
appalling violence lately inflicted on civilians caught up in fighting in Darfur, Chad or eastern Congo. Yet<br />
decisions taken in Geneva do have an effect, both legal and humanitarian, on people in benighted places—<br />
and <strong>the</strong> world would be much happier if <strong>the</strong> effect was far greater.<br />
The city is <strong>the</strong> UN’s humanitarian hub, headquarters to both its refugee and human-rights agencies. More<br />
memorably, though, it lends its name to a clutch of conventions, adopted six decades ago this month,<br />
initially with <strong>the</strong> horrors of two world wars in mind. Those agreements still form a bedrock for <strong>the</strong> laws of<br />
war and <strong>the</strong> protection of non-combatants.<br />
Yet in a year that has already seen bitter fighting in Gaza and Sri Lanka, and a still mounting civilian toll in<br />
an eight-year-old battle against <strong>the</strong> Taliban in Afghanistan, some inevitably question whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Geneva<br />
conventions and <strong>the</strong>ir later protocols are really suited to today’s conflicts. The number of wars between<br />
states, where regular, uniformed armies square off against each o<strong>the</strong>r, has fallen sharply. This century it<br />
has mostly been conflicts within countries that have claimed headlines, with insurgents and rebels,<br />
sometimes with foreign backing, battling each o<strong>the</strong>r as well as <strong>the</strong>ir own government.<br />
Do <strong>the</strong> old rules really apply in such conflicts? And if <strong>the</strong>y still do, how can <strong>the</strong>y be enforced more<br />
effectively, since all <strong>the</strong> evidence suggests <strong>the</strong>y are not only not honoured but dishonoured in <strong>the</strong> breach?<br />
Can <strong>the</strong>y be stretched to cover new threats, such as international terrorism and piracy?<br />
To <strong>the</strong> chagrin of those who would banish war itself, nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> four Geneva conventions of 1949—<br />
covering <strong>the</strong> treatment of <strong>the</strong> wounded on land and at sea, of prisoners-of-war and of civilians caught up<br />
in conflict—nor <strong>the</strong> couple of extra protocols added in 1977, spelling out in more detail <strong>the</strong> protection<br />
afforded to civilians, seek to outlaw conflict (see table below). Nor do <strong>the</strong>y presume (although <strong>the</strong>y do<br />
more for <strong>the</strong> innocent than <strong>the</strong> earlier Hague conventions, which concentrated chiefly on outlawing some<br />
weapons of warfare) that civilians in a war zone always can be or even should be spared.<br />
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