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Charles L. Redman<br />

Just as geography may have acted as a positive attractor to settlements and,<br />

later, put the settlements at risk, so did social institutions develop that were<br />

designed to take advantage <strong>of</strong> the situation but eventually created a rigidity<br />

that stifled adaptive responses. Many <strong>of</strong> the authors report on situations that<br />

reflected this phenomenon. Andrew Dugmore and Orri Vésteinsson relate that<br />

the long-distance administration that had contributed to the establishment<br />

and periodic success <strong>of</strong> Icelandic society was also unresponsive to environmental<br />

changes and inhibited necessary restructuring <strong>of</strong> adaptations. Similarly, in<br />

Mesopotamia, hierarchically distant administrators had little awareness <strong>of</strong> or<br />

concern for the changing local conditions that undermined agricultural productivity.<br />

Both Sheets for Central America and Nelson and colleagues for the<br />

Southwest identified key cross-scale interactions in which the environmental<br />

changes gradually undermined the adaptive capabilities <strong>of</strong> the central government,<br />

stifling change and making it less able to cope with subsequent shocks.<br />

Sheets and Cooper reflect the range <strong>of</strong> the chapter authors’ ideas by suggesting<br />

in their introduction six “tools” prehistoric (and perhaps contemporary)<br />

societies used to cope with sudden environmental change: settlement<br />

location, household architecture, food procurement strategies, reciprocal<br />

social networks, education, and disaster management planning. I would like<br />

to generalize this one level further and consider these and other strategies as<br />

examples <strong>of</strong> four basic problem-solving strategies people have used to cope<br />

with all sorts <strong>of</strong> challenges they have faced. The four domains <strong>of</strong> adaptive strategies<br />

socie ties have employed throughout time can be summarized as follows<br />

(Redman 1999):<br />

1. Locational flexibility and mobility<br />

2. Ecosystem management<br />

3. Built environment and other technologies<br />

4. Social complexification<br />

What makes many <strong>of</strong> the strategies in all <strong>of</strong> these domains so challenging to<br />

either endorse or condemn is that each <strong>of</strong> them appears to have emerged because<br />

it had very positive results for the communities involved. Yet many <strong>of</strong> the strategies<br />

introduced new vulnerabilities that, over time, may have undermined<br />

those same communities. For example, locational flexibility and mobility as a<br />

key element <strong>of</strong> a settlement system dominated much <strong>of</strong> early human prehistory.<br />

However, the advantages <strong>of</strong> sedentism in terms <strong>of</strong> investing in more substantial<br />

facilities and productive infrastructure led increasing numbers <strong>of</strong> communities<br />

to adopt a more place-restricted settlement pattern. Similarly, with ecosystem<br />

management, many immediate advantages would accrue by practicing deforestation<br />

to open landscapes for cereal production, introducing non-native species<br />

for food production, and redirecting local hydrology for irrigating fields.<br />

240

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