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Charles L. Redman<br />
is easy for an archaeologist who focuses on long-term phenomena to suggest<br />
that the panacea for a society is to reverse this priority or at least put long-term<br />
planning and management in the forefront. I would like to do this, but I also<br />
recognize that, in this competitive world, for a society to “reach” the long term<br />
it has to be successful in a series <strong>of</strong> short-term situations. Hence this is not a<br />
simple trade<strong>of</strong>f; rather, one must discover long-term positive actions that are<br />
also positive in the short term. History has demonstrated that many societies<br />
are not able to find solutions that achieve both goals.<br />
Diamond presents another way to conceptualize this fundamental trade<strong>of</strong>f.<br />
He sees many <strong>of</strong> these decisions coming down to a social group or a society<br />
having to decide in the face or threat <strong>of</strong> environmental change which <strong>of</strong> its<br />
normative beliefs, practices, and institutions to hold on to and which to give<br />
up. It is not a trivial matter that one should be expected to effectively “adapt”<br />
to the new conditions by giving up traditional ways <strong>of</strong> doing things because<br />
many <strong>of</strong> these traditional ways <strong>of</strong> doing things may be the essence <strong>of</strong> the group’s<br />
social identity or other functioning. Diamond retells how the late Medieval<br />
Norse <strong>of</strong> Greenland held on to their agrarian ways instead <strong>of</strong> switching to their<br />
neighboring Inuits’ mobile hunting strategies; this allowed them to retain their<br />
social identity but led to their complete demographic collapse (Diamond 2005:<br />
248–276; McGovern et al. 1988). This is not just a historic issue, <strong>of</strong> little contemporary<br />
significance. Thomas Friedman suggests in The Lexus and the Olive<br />
Tree (1999) that how to maintain traditional values while adopting efficient<br />
foreign practices is a basic conundrum facing much <strong>of</strong> the modern world.<br />
We can go further in linking the insights from the case studies to two<br />
re lated conceptual frameworks: vulnerability and resilience theories. Nelson<br />
and colleagues and several other authors have already started this, and I am<br />
building on their foundations. A system’s vulnerability is related to three<br />
primary factors: magnitude <strong>of</strong> the stress or shock, exposure <strong>of</strong> the system to<br />
the stress or shock, and the system’s sensitivity to the stress or shock (Adger<br />
2006; Turner et al. 2003). Concerning hazards such as volcanoes, hurricanes,<br />
droughts, and floods, it is unlikely that action by the social group to be<br />
impacted could significantly change the external input <strong>of</strong> the hazard. This does<br />
not deny the long-term impact cumulative, local mitigation strategies might<br />
have on diminishing the level <strong>of</strong> anthropogenically induced global environmental<br />
change, only that the results <strong>of</strong> these effects will not be apparent in a<br />
short time. However, mitigation and adaptation strategies aimed at reducing<br />
the system’s exposure to the stress and strategies aimed at reducing its sensitivity<br />
to the stress can have significant effects on reducing the impact. Minimizing<br />
exposure through settlement location and mobility, enhanced architectural<br />
precautions, and a diversity <strong>of</strong> food sources can reduce the vulnerability to<br />
associated environmental changes. Equally important are efforts to strengthen<br />
the system against the adverse impacts <strong>of</strong> hazards it will be exposed to, such as<br />
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