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Final Report (all chapters)

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kind of cloning or they limit the ban to reproductive human cloning but fail to provide adequate<br />

safeguards for conducting research cloning. Among the states that have banned both<br />

reproductive and research cloning are Arkansas, Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota, and<br />

Michigan. Many states have attempted to ban both kinds of cloning but have so far failed to pass<br />

any legislation. Virginia has banned reproductive cloning, but excluded research cloning from its<br />

ban. Rhode Island has adopted a similar measure, to expire in 2010. Some states, like Missouri,<br />

have merely banned state funding of research cloning. New Jersey is the only state that has<br />

passed legislation that explicitly bans reproductive cloning but legalizes research cloning.<br />

Unfortunately, the New Jersey law, just like Senate Bill 303, while acknowledging the<br />

controversial nature of this research, only requires research protocols to receive IRB approval,<br />

and does not include any other safeguards against possible abuses. 41<br />

California deserves a separate discussion. In 2003, the state of California banned<br />

reproductive cloning but legalized research cloning and embryonic stem cell research. California<br />

did go a step further, however. The state legislature required the California Department of Health<br />

and Human Services to establish an anonymous registry of embryos available for research, and<br />

specified in considerable detail the rules for disposing of these human embryos. The state<br />

legislature, however, made the registry’s implementation dependent on the availability of private<br />

funding. It also directed the state’s Health and Human Services Department to establish an<br />

advisory board responsible for crafting guidelines for embryonic stem cell research. In the f<strong>all</strong> of<br />

2003, then-Governor Gray Davis signed both bills into law. By any measure, this legislation was<br />

by far the most sophisticated attempt at banning reproductive cloning while providing reasonable<br />

safeguards to conducting research cloning.<br />

With the 2004 passage of Proposition 71 (the “California Stem Cell Research and Cures<br />

Act”), the situation has changed dramatic<strong>all</strong>y. Proposition 71 represents a radical departure from<br />

pre-existing legislation in this area. It requires the state of California to raise $3 billion, to be<br />

administered by a newly created California Institute for Regenerative Medicine (CIRM). An<br />

“Independent Citizen’s Oversight Committee” should ensure that the research funds are spent in<br />

conformance with the statute. Its label notwithstanding, the CIRM’s oversight committee<br />

involves neither citizens nor independent individuals. Its 29 members are drawn from the<br />

research institutions and biotech companies benefiting from the funding, and from various<br />

disease advocacy groups that are strong promoters of this kind of research. The initiative goes so<br />

far as to specify that no minority opinion can be issued unless 35 percent of the board votes in<br />

favor; the likelihood that 11 of 29 members would have true independence from the scientific<br />

community and the biotech industry is negligible, thus essenti<strong>all</strong>y muting any form of dissent.<br />

Like its legislative predecessors, Proposition 71 explicitly embraces research cloning, but<br />

makes no provisions for regulatory controls that would prevent, for example, a cloned embryo<br />

from being implanted in a woman’s uterus. Disturbingly, the initiative specific<strong>all</strong>y exempts<br />

California researchers from existing rules prohibiting experiments on embryos beyond eight to<br />

41<br />

See Appendix G for an overview of state legislative initiatives.<br />

132

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