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Final Report (all chapters)

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submit public comments, it is usu<strong>all</strong>y well-organized groups that make the most effective use of<br />

this avenue. When members of the general public make themselves heard, it is often the result of<br />

an organized political campaign rather than a grass-roots response by concerned citizens. As a<br />

matter of regulatory practice, this may not be a serious problem, as federal regulators have<br />

become quite adept at spotting these manipulative maneuvers. But the fact remains that<br />

regulators do not use and not do consider notice-and-comment an effective tool of public<br />

involvement.<br />

Having discredited notice-and-comment as an effective institution of public consultation, it<br />

is worth noting that there have been a few instances of federal agencies making a strategic use of<br />

this administrative tool to promote broader societal interests. 25<br />

The term “broader societal<br />

interests” in this context indicates a situation in which an agency is willing and able to pursue a<br />

policy that is likely to be supported by a large majority of the general public but opposed by a<br />

few well-organized interest groups. This characterization closely resembles our description of the<br />

political landscape in the field of reproductive medicine and biomedical research, and is<br />

therefore of some interest to our discussion. The agencies involved are the EPA, the FDA and the<br />

Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), the federal agency responsible for regulating<br />

the banking industry. In 1997, the EPA managed to promulgate new air standards designed to<br />

reduce air pollution by ozone and particulate matters, against the vehement opposition of the<br />

regulated interests, including automakers, coal producers, electric utilities, and oil companies. In<br />

1996, the FDA issued a new rule governing the advertising, sale, and distribution of cigarettes<br />

and smokeless tobacco. The proposed new rule restricted access to cigarette sales by minors,<br />

limited tobacco advertising in the media, and prohibited the distribution of free tobacco samples<br />

and non-tobacco promotional items, among other things. <strong>Final</strong>ly, in the late 1990s, the OCC took<br />

numerous bold steps to expand bank securities and insurance powers, natur<strong>all</strong>y over the<br />

opposition of powerful financial interests.<br />

Common to these three federal agencies was a strategy designed to build broad public<br />

support for their proposed new regulations. To achieve this goal, the agencies began to reach out<br />

to the public at a very early stage of the rule-making process – that is, well before the proposed<br />

new rules were offici<strong>all</strong>y announced in the Federal Register. The tools used for this purpose<br />

varied somewhat from case to case; they ranged from convening public hearings, and organizing<br />

conferences and town h<strong>all</strong> meetings to making informational materials available to the public,<br />

among other things. The novelty in this case does not reside in the tools used, but in the<br />

extensive efforts made by these agencies to reach the general public at a stage of the regulatory<br />

process in which an agency usu<strong>all</strong>y negotiates exclusively with key interest groups.<br />

An important reason for mobilizing the general public was to stimulate a large number of<br />

supportive comments during the notice-and-comments phase. Extensive outreach strategies had a<br />

second, important goal: to build the best possible case in support of the proposed new rules. By<br />

25<br />

Steven P. Croley, "Public Interested Regulation," Florida State University Law Review 28 (2000); Elizabeth<br />

Garrett, "Interest Groups and Public Interested Regulation," Florida State University Law Review 28 (2000).<br />

255

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