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Final Report (all chapters)

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and lay out its main elements. We then discuss whether this approach can be considered a<br />

suitable mechanism of public consultation as defined in section 10.7.<br />

Consensus conferences are nothing new. NIH has been using them in their original form<br />

since the 1970s as a means to bridge the gap between medical research and clinical practice. 60 As<br />

practiced by NIH, the goal of a consensus conference is to craft a consensus among leading<br />

clinical researchers on the best available treatment for a medical condition. It is a collaborative<br />

effort by clinical researchers to resolve a professional controversy over the merits of alternative<br />

therapies. This seems an eminently sensible way to assist practitioners with no access to a<br />

university hospital. 61<br />

In the mid-1980s, the Danish Board of Technology, an institution inspired by the U.S.<br />

Office of Technology Assessment, made the consensus conference concept into a tool for<br />

consulting with the general public on new technological developments. 62 The Danish Board of<br />

Technology is an independent organization wholly funded by the Danish parliament and<br />

governed by a board of directors broadly representative of <strong>all</strong> major political constituencies. 63<br />

The board has a twofold mission: to advise the parliament on controversial policy questions and<br />

to stimulate a public debate on new technological developments. Since its creation, it has<br />

convened numerous consensus conferences on topics ranging from food irradiation to gene<br />

therapy and teleworking. The institutionalized position of the board, its independence, and its<br />

credibility ensure that the Danish parliament not only takes consensus recommendations<br />

seriously, but on occasion also adopts them. 64 The Danish example spurred numerous imitations.<br />

The Swiss government adopted a similar approach when it created the Office of Technology<br />

Assessment and gave it an advisory function. Like its Danish counterpart, this office has shown<br />

considerable interest in consensus conferences, known as “publiforums.” 65 In addition, as of this<br />

writing, Argentina, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Israel, Japan, The Netherlands, New<br />

Zealand, Norway, South Korea, and Switzerland <strong>all</strong> have conducted at least one consensus<br />

60<br />

61<br />

62<br />

63<br />

64<br />

65<br />

Kim, "Cloning and Deliberation: Korean Consensus Conference," Developing World Bioethics 2, no. 2 (2002);<br />

Derrick Purdue, "Experiments in the Governance of Biotechnology: A Case Study of the UK National<br />

Consensus Conference," New Genetics and Society 18, no. 1 (1999).<br />

A search in the New England Journal of Medicine produced more than 250 articles reporting on consensus<br />

conferences.<br />

Allan D. Sniderman, "Clinical Trials, Consensus Conferences, and Clinical Practice," Lancet 354; JoAnne<br />

Zujewski and Edison T. Liu, "The 1998 St. G<strong>all</strong>en's Consensus Conference: An Assessment," Journal of the<br />

National Cancer Institute 90 (1998).<br />

Simon Joss, "Danish Consensus Conferences as a Model of Participatory Technology Assessment: An Impact<br />

Study of Consensus Conferences on Danish Parliament and Danish Public Debate," Science and Public Policy<br />

25 (1998).<br />

See http://www.tekno.dk/subpage.php3?page=forside.php3&language=uk for more information.<br />

Joss, "Danish Consensus Conferences as a Model of Participatory Technology Assessment: An Impact Study of<br />

Consensus Conferences on Danish Parliament and Danish Public Debate."<br />

See http://www.ta-swiss.ch/framesets/projects-e.htm#publiforum for additional information.<br />

273

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