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Final Report (all chapters)

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years away. Again, no scientific background is necessary to inquire about this issue. And by<br />

asking this question, a lay audience is likely to learn a great deal about how scientists set their<br />

research priorities and about the rationales for these choices. Effectively assessing the credibility<br />

of scientific claims certainly is no easy task, but scientific literacy is unlikely to make this job<br />

easier.<br />

<strong>Final</strong>ly, it is worth pointing out that the distinction between the scientific<strong>all</strong>y illiterate public<br />

and informed scientists is itself seriously misleading. In most cases, scientists are just as illiterate<br />

about science as is the public. Knowledge production is so fragmented and specialized that<br />

anyone outside any of the innumerable and often tiny scientific communities – they are so sm<strong>all</strong><br />

that one is tempted to c<strong>all</strong> them cliques – is a scientific illiterate. For example, an average<br />

biologist, just like anyone else without an advanced degree in physics, is very unlikely to know<br />

what a Lorenz transformation is. Yet this is not an arcane piece of mathematics, but the<br />

foundation of Einstein’s special theory of relativity – formulated and published in 1905 and often<br />

taught in physics curricula at the high-school level. Lorenz transformations should not be<br />

confused with the Lorenz effect, named after Edward Lorenz. In the 1960s, Lorenz famously<br />

observed that a butterfly flapping its wings in Beijing could alter the weather in San Francisco.<br />

Among experts of chaos theory and climatology, this story is a familiar one. Yet few persons<br />

outside of these scientific communities are likely to have heard of this effect. Scientific<br />

(il)literacy is a widespread phenomenon in industrialized societies, but is of very little help in<br />

explaining opposition to scientific and technological developments.<br />

10.7 Key Features of Institutions of Public Consultation<br />

10.7.1 Deliberation: Vehicle of Consensus or Catalyst of Conflict?<br />

We suggest that mechanisms of public consultation should always include a deliberative<br />

phase. There are several good reasons for including deliberation in processes of public<br />

consultation. Deliberation ensures that the participating citizens do not simply offer improvised<br />

answers to complex questions they may never have pondered. Institutions of public consultation<br />

should be designed specific<strong>all</strong>y to elicit informed and reflected opinions. Deliberation ensures<br />

that participants acquire a much deeper and differentiated understanding of the issues involved; it<br />

is the process of familiarization that is likely to produce well-informed opinions. The outcome of<br />

this process cannot easily be dismissed on the grounds that people are in no position to express<br />

informed opinions. This is the feature that sharply distinguishes a traditional survey from a<br />

consultative process.<br />

Unlike opinion surveys, the views gathered through a process of public consultation are<br />

stable, in that they are unlikely to change significantly over time. Deliberation should <strong>all</strong> but<br />

eliminate the sensitivity of survey results to the wording of poll questions, a problem we have<br />

repeatedly encountered in our discussion of survey data in chapter 8. In sum, by ensuring that the<br />

public expresses its views only after having reflected for some time on various aspects of a<br />

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