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Subjectivism and Economic Analysis: Essays in memory of Ludwig ...

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STEVEN HORWITZtheories, for example. This is the fundamental challenge to thenotion <strong>of</strong> a reality that is objectively knowable <strong>in</strong> its purest form.The danger with the hierarchical conception <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>stitutionalorder (as <strong>in</strong> the sphere analogy from earlier) is that it implies thatsome <strong>in</strong>stitutions are objectively external to others. Notice, too, thatthe po<strong>in</strong>t is not that the ‘position’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions might change overtime. Most theorists <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions agree that the hierarchy <strong>of</strong><strong>in</strong>stitutions today may be different from the hierarchy tomorrow.That is clearly true. The po<strong>in</strong>t here is deeper; we cannot objectivelydef<strong>in</strong>e which <strong>in</strong>stitutions are where <strong>in</strong> the hierarchy even at a po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong> time. The ‘hierarchical order’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions is contextual to thequestion or action under consideration.It is also true that the different ‘levels’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions can havefeedback effects on one another. For example, changes <strong>in</strong> thestructure <strong>of</strong> firms may call for a re<strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> aspects <strong>of</strong>property or contract law, or a new bank<strong>in</strong>g practice may lead tochanges <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>stitutional arrangements <strong>of</strong> the money supplyprocess. My po<strong>in</strong>t is not just to say that such feedback effects occur.Austrian <strong>in</strong>stitutionalists recognise this po<strong>in</strong>t. However, tak<strong>in</strong>gthose feedback effects seriously should imply that as such effectsoccur, they force analysts <strong>and</strong> actors to reverse the hierarchicalrelationships among the <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> question.If one wants to underst<strong>and</strong> the evolution <strong>of</strong> contract law s<strong>in</strong>ce themid-1700s, one will have to take certa<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions as ‘external’ tothe law. Surely such an evolutionary explanation will show howactual commercial activities exposed ‘gaps’ <strong>in</strong> the law that werefilled by judicial <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>and</strong> application <strong>of</strong> the exist<strong>in</strong>g law tothe new circumstances. When a legal historian performs this task, hecan be seen as <strong>of</strong>fer<strong>in</strong>g an explanation <strong>of</strong> the evolution <strong>of</strong> an<strong>in</strong>stitution with<strong>in</strong> the framework provided by market <strong>in</strong>stitutions<strong>and</strong> the monetary order. Judicial decisions cause the law to evolveaga<strong>in</strong>st a background <strong>of</strong> given market practices. In this story the‘fixed’ <strong>in</strong>stitutions are those <strong>of</strong> the market, while the evolv<strong>in</strong>gpractices are the legal rules. Of course if one wanted to expla<strong>in</strong> whymodern corporations have the structure they do, some portion <strong>of</strong>that story would illustrate how that structure emerged as a responseto exist<strong>in</strong>g contract <strong>and</strong> property law. In such a case the legal orderis external to the market process.Mov<strong>in</strong>g away from theory to actual practice, the same po<strong>in</strong>tapplies. The judge mak<strong>in</strong>g case law is, <strong>in</strong> effect, treat<strong>in</strong>g his<strong>in</strong>stitution as <strong>in</strong>ternal to the market order, much as the ownersdecid<strong>in</strong>g how to structure their firm have to treat it as <strong>in</strong>ternal to the150

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