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Subjectivism and Economic Analysis: Essays in memory of Ludwig ...

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ROGER KOPPL AND GARY MONGIOVILachmann’s radical subjectivism led him to oppose ‘late classicalformalism’ <strong>and</strong> what he called the ‘Neo-Ricardiancounterrevolution.’ Lachmann co<strong>in</strong>ed the term late classicalformalism’ <strong>in</strong> 1971 to characterise neoclassical economists who had‘adopted an arid formalism as their style <strong>of</strong> thought, an approachwhich requires them to treat the manifestations <strong>of</strong> the human m<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong> household <strong>and</strong> market as purely formal entities, on par withmaterial resources’ (Lachmann 1971a:181). This formalism,Lachmann argued, had dra<strong>in</strong>ed the theory <strong>of</strong> any value. The theory‘has noth<strong>in</strong>g to say’ when ‘confronted with real problems’ (ibid.:182). He quotes Mises’s diagnosis that the theory is ‘A superficialanalogy…spun out too long, that is all’ (ibid.: 182). Lachmann’ssumm<strong>in</strong>g up is scath<strong>in</strong>g: ‘From Walras to Samuelson we f<strong>in</strong>d thesame manner <strong>of</strong> reason<strong>in</strong>g, the same arbitrary assumptions, thesame unwarranted conclusions’ (ibid.: 189).Lachmann’s radical subjectivism led him to criticise the ‘Neo-Ricardian counterrevolution’. As Lachmann used the term, ‘Neo-Ricardianism’ identified the Cambridge followers <strong>of</strong> Piero Sraffa<strong>and</strong> Joan Rob<strong>in</strong>son, the UK side <strong>of</strong> the Cambridge-Cambridgecontroversy. Lachmann did not carefully dist<strong>in</strong>guish KeynesianCambridge economists from Sraffian Cambridge economists, acurious lapse <strong>in</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the important methodological differencesthat dist<strong>in</strong>guish the two traditions. His criticisms relate, <strong>in</strong> any case,ma<strong>in</strong>ly to the Sraffian branch, <strong>and</strong> were directed at what heregarded as its excessive formalism, at its attachment to the concept<strong>of</strong> equilibrium, <strong>and</strong> at its emphatic rejection <strong>of</strong> subjectivism: ‘A style<strong>of</strong> economic th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> which there is no place for humanpreferences, let alone time preferences, is hardly acceptable to theheirs <strong>of</strong> Menger’ (Lachmann 1977:29). Nevertheless, he didrecognise some po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>of</strong> common ground between Austrian <strong>and</strong>Sraffian criticisms <strong>of</strong> orthodoxy, <strong>in</strong> particular concern<strong>in</strong>g the<strong>in</strong>adequacy <strong>of</strong> the neoclassical treatment <strong>of</strong> capital as a valueaggregate;but <strong>of</strong> course he differed with the Sraffians on howeconomic theory might be reconstructed to avoid capital-theoreticproblems.For Lachmann ‘it is <strong>in</strong>telligibility <strong>and</strong> not determ<strong>in</strong>ateness thatsocial science should strive to achieve’ (Lachmann 1943:68). Wemust take account not only <strong>of</strong> the ‘subjectivism <strong>of</strong> wants’ (that is,preferences), but also the ‘subjectivism <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation’. Theproper aim <strong>of</strong> economic theory, then, is to make events <strong>in</strong>telligibleby show<strong>in</strong>g why, <strong>in</strong> a given episode, a set <strong>of</strong> facts were <strong>in</strong>terpreted byagents <strong>in</strong> a particular way.6

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