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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Family 105 table 4. Proto-Cariban (PC) > Early Kari’nja (EK) > attested languages PC EK Kari’nja Island Carib Garifuna *u *u u u [u~o] u [u~o] *o *o o u [u~o] u [u~o] *ɨ *ï ï ï [ï~ë] ï [ï~ë] *ô *ë o ï [ï~ë] ï [ï~ë] 4.2. *ô > a BEFORE AND SINCE EARLY KARI’NJA. In the opening sentence of section 3.2 (and again in the opening paragraph of section 4), we presented the somewhat simplistic categorical statement that the loss of *ô in present-day Kari’nja was due to its merger with o. However, prior to this generalized merger was another, more restricted merger, in which a subset of Proto-Cariban *ô > a. In section 4.2.1 we describe a morphonological alternation of /a/ and /o/ in the Tïre’wuyu dialect of Maroni and Mana Rivers that synchronically continues to manifest both shifts. In section 4.2.2 we present lexical data from the old printed sources, which suggest a possible shift from *ë > a > o. And prior to both of these shifts was the shift mentioned briefly at the end of section 3.3, in which both Island Carib and Kari’nja share a number of words in which a is the reflex of Proto-Cariban *ô in initial position. Given that all modern Kari’nja dialects and the borrowed lexicon in Island Carib share the same reflex, we presume that for these words, the shift from *ô > a must have happened between Proto-Cariban and Early Kari’nja (cf. Appendix 3). 4.2.1. MORPHONOLOGICAL ALTERNATIONS IN THE TÏRE’WUYU DIALECT OF KARI’NJA: a ~ e, o ~ e, a ~ o. The Tïre’wuyu dialect differs from the other Kari’nja dialects in Suriname by the occurrence of /a/ (instead of /o/) in prosodically weak first syllables. 8 Where syllables are prosodically strong, /o/ occurs in all dialects, and ablaut changes *ô > e the same in all dialects. The paradigms in (1-4) illustrate, (1) and (2) with nominal, (3) and (4) with verbal examples. 8 Diphthongs and vowels followed by a consonant coda count as strong. Another source of strength is a general prosodic rule, which imposes either an iambic or a trochaic pattern on the first two syllables of words, starting from the left. In the western dialects, in the first foot this prosodic strength is phonetically realized only by quantity. The Tïre’wuyu dialect, however, also differs in this respect. In the first foot, too, strong prominence is primarily due to melodic rises or falls (Hoff 2000, unpublished ms). In the following examples, we shall indicate prosodically strong vowels by bold font. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Family 106 (1) Tïre’wuyu Other dialects gloss aremi oremi ‘spirit song’ k-aremi-rï k-oremi-rï ‘our spirit songs’ y-eremi-rï same ‘my spirit song’ Ø-eremi-rï same ‘his spirit song’ (2) ombata same ‘face’ k-ombata-rï same ‘our faces’ y-emba-tarï same ‘my face’ Ø-embata-rï same ‘his face’ (3) ama-no oma-no ‘way of life’ k-amai-ya k-omai-ya ‘we live, dwell’ y-emai-ya same ‘I live, dwell’ Ø-emamï-rï same ‘his living, dwelling’ (4) ombakano same ‘waking up, transitive’ k-ombakae same ‘you wake me up’ y-embakano same ‘he wakes me up’ kïn-embakano same ‘he wakes him up’ In all four examples, most dialects show the standard outcome of the old o ~ e ablaut process; however, in Tïre’wuyu, only the vowels in heavy syllables (2, 4) show the o ~ e alternation, whereas the vowels in light syllables (1, 3) instead show an a ~ e alternation. Both pairs, of course, continue the same historical ablaut process, but the Tïre’wuyu dialects show a prior change of unstressed *ë > a before the unconditioned merger of *ë > o. To witness an alternation a ~ o, we must exclude ablaut by avoiding fronting prefixes. To this end, we choose one verb from an intransitive subset that employs only non-fronting prefix allophones. It is a derivation by means of the intransitivizer prefix, reconstructed to Proto-Cariban as *ôte-, with reflexes of at- in Island Carib, Tïre’wuyu and Venezuelan Kari’nja (Mosonyi 1978:61), but as (w)ot- in the other dialects of Suriname (Hoff 1968:122-4). See Table 5. table 5. The intransitivizer prefix at-/(w)ot- Island Carib Tïre’wuyu dialect Other dialects ‘he propelled himself’ n-at-alima-i n-at-arima-i n-ot-arima-i The paradigm in (5) shows that the vowel in the prefix remains a as long as it is prosodically weak, by being in the first syllable of the first, iambic, foot. When further prefixation (in the fourth example) pushes it into the strong position, a is replaced by o. Note that in the other dialects /a/ does not occur at all in the same prefix. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
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Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
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Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
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Another fading boundary is that bet
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languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
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Acknowledgments The editors are dee
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Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
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Introduction 4 confined themselves
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Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
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Introduction 8 references boas, fra
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The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
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Page 139 and 140: Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 174 On
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 176 (4
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 198 co
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 200 RE
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 202 Pe
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Gemination and Tonal Feet in Welede
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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca
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