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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca 253 the Type II auxiliary verbs in terms of complementation (Dixon 2006; Noonan 1985, 2007). The tentative analysis treated wɨʔ-ʔaH ‘be able to verb’ and jutz-ʔaH ‘be such that verb’ as complement taking verbs that took subject complements. 26 Set A proclitics, which mark the A of transitive verbs in independent clauses, also mark possessors on nouns. According to the complementation analysis, the examples shown in (81) and (82) (repeated from (49) and (50)) were reanalyzed as: ‘The baby’s birth was still possible’ and ‘He knows what our jokes are like’. In this scenario the dependent verb is analyzed as a nominalized verb inflected with possessive person marking and the NP is the subject of the verb. (81) wɨʔáa+tyim ʔi+náy jeʔm tzɨɨxi wɨʔ-ʔaH-W+tyi+ʔam ʔi+nay-W 2 jeʔm tzɨɨxi 3b+be.able-cmP+Just+alr 3a+be.born-deP ib that child ‘The baby’s birth was still possible.’ (PAR.039) (82) jeʔ tambyeen ʔi+joodonh jeʔ tambyeen ʔi+jootonh 3Pro also 3a+know ‘He also knows’ jutzáap tan+moʔogɨ́ʔy jutz-ʔaH-pa tan+mok-ʔoʔy-W 2 be.such.that-inc ia+joke-deP ib ‘what our jokes are like.’ (AVC.016b) This analysis was taken to the field in the summer of 2007. Evidence indicating that the V2s in these scenarios were not nominalized verbs comes from examples such as the one shown in (83) (repeated from (55)). In this example two characteristics stand out as indicating the verbal status of the V2. First, based on what we know about the hierarchical system, the example shows a higher ranked patient marked on the verb ʔak+seet ‘return’ with a Set B person marker. Second, this example, which was offered spontaneously during elicitation, also demonstrates the extent to which verbs may be derived in the dependent clause. The root verb seet ‘return, turn around’ is intransitive. Here it is derived with the causative ʔak+. A secondary object is added with the indirective suffix -ʔaʔy. Observations such as these indicate that dependent verbs pattern more like verbs. (83) dya wɨʔaap mik+seedáʔy dya wɨʔ-ʔaH-pa mi+ʔak+seet-ʔaʔy-W 2 neg be.able aux -inc 2B+CAUS+return-ind-deP t ‘He can’t return it to you.’ (20070726 RCR) 26 ʔanh+jagoʔy ‘be first to verb’ had not yet been observed at this stage of analysis. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca 254 Furthermore, it was noted in section 3.1.2 that person is optionally marked on the V1 in Auxiliary II constructions and that the S of the V1 and V2 are the same. According to the complementation analysis, if the dependent verbs were a possessed nominal S, the V1 wɨʔaaj would be Ø-marked for 3 rd person. As shown in (84), person marking on V1 and V2 agree. (84) ʔa+pɨkpa ʔiga+jeʔ ʔa+wɨʔaap ʔan+yooxáaj ʔidyɨk ʔa+pɨk-pa ʔiga+jeʔ ʔa+wɨH.ʔaH-pa ʔan+yoox.ʔaH-W 3 ʔityʔɨk xb+take.wife-inc comP+3Pro XB+be.able aux -inc XA+work-deP ib Past ‘He took me (as wife) because I can work.’ (CNC.002b) The second characteristic suggesting noun-like behavior of dependent verbs comes from plural marking morphology. Nouns may be inflected to indicate plurality of the noun. Plural markers may agree with the noun, with the possessor, or with S when the noun occurs as a non-verbal predicate. As described in section 3.1.1.1, there are two plural enclitics that occur on nouns: +tam ‘human plural’ and +yaj ‘nonhuman plural’. The fact that enclitics occur on intransitive dependent verbs in the V2 of Auxiliary I (active) constructions suggested that NVPs might pattern like nouns. (85) ʔa mojo+mun ku+pudáʔyi+yaj ʔa moj-W+ʔam+ʔun Ø+ku+put-ʔaʔy-i+yaj ah begin aux -cmP+alr+dJo 3b+deriv+exit-ind-deP ia -3PL ‘They began to escape.’ (GU1.123) Early transcriptions made available provided examples that were inconsistent in marking plurality on dependent verbs, marking some suffixes as clitics and some as stress bearing segments. What was not apparent, although now obvious, was that plural enclitics occurred only on Auxiliary I active verbs, while suffixes occurred everywhere else. In other words, these characteristics did not apply to all dependent verb types. Essentially, what was required was a focused analysis of stress in dependent verbs to determine that there were different patterns. 4.2. THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN TEXT AND ELICITATION. The descriptive work presented here relies first on making observations about what happens in the language, initially on structures that occur in narratives and conversation. Elicitation comes into play in order to verify forms and their uses and to understand what the language does not do, as well as what it does. Understanding the behavior of dependent verbs requires analysis of each of the components that make up these characteristics; some of which appear frequently in texts and some of which require elicitation focusing on paradigms and in some cases attention to the phonology in isolated contexts. There are several examples that demonstrate the interdependency of corpus building, text analysis, and elicitation, which is crucial to understanding the grammar of the language. One example is illustrated with the mo subordinator constructions and the DVCs lacking an overt subordinator, which occur frequently in texts and naturally occurring discourse. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
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Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
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Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
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Another fading boundary is that bet
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languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
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Acknowledgments The editors are dee
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Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
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Introduction 4 confined themselves
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Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
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Introduction 8 references boas, fra
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The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
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Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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124 fieldwork and linguistic analys
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Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Zapotec Determiners 128 and most at
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Zapotec Determiners 130 do often oc
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Zapotec Determiners 132 The minimal
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Zapotec Determiners 134 (14) (MMC,
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Zapotec Determiners 136 In the text
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Zapotec Determiners 138 b. bɛn gun
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Zapotec Determiners 140 rɛ’ɛbi-
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Zapotec Determiners 142 (29) (LGL,
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Zapotec Determiners 144 APPENDIX: T
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Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 174 On
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 176 (4
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 178
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 190 Th
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 194 Q
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 198 co
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 200 RE
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