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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca 237 table 3. Multi-verb constructions with dependent verbs I Auxiliary I (Active) ergative (Passive) nominative II Auxiliary II: Modals nominative III IV Temporal/aspectual subordinator (without mo) Temporal/aspectual subordinator (with mo) nominative nominative V Progressive auxiliary sɨʔ nominative 3.1.1. AUXILIARY VERBS, TYPE I. One context in which dependent verbs occur is Auxiliary Type I verb constructions. Auxiliary verbs in SP are verbs that belong to a small, fixed set and take inflection for aspect/mood. 18 There are seven Type I auxiliary verbs. These are nɨkk ‘go’, miny ‘come’, ʔoy ‘go and return’, yaj ‘finish’ (29), moj ‘begin’ (30), kus ‘have enough of verb’ (31), jaʔy ‘be late to verb’. (29) yájpa+m wíʔiki yaj-pa+ʔam Ø+wiʔk-i finish AUX -inc+alr 3b+eat-deP ia ‘They were already finished eating.’ (ESK.073a) (30) mojpa+m ʔi+jetz=tɨ́m ʔi+way moj-pa+ʔam ʔi+jetz=tɨm-W 2 ʔi+way begin-inc+alr 3a+brush=stretch.out-deP t 3a+hair ‘She begins brushing out her hair.’ (VYT.010b) (31) tan+yoomo kúsu+m jóʔyi tan+yoomo kus-wɨ+ʔam Ø+joʔy-i ia+woman be.enough AUX -cmP+alr 3b+be.angry-deP ia ‘Our lady got sufficiently angry. (She’d had enough.)’ (ESK.083) When auxiliary I verbs occur with intransitive verbs, as in (32), the verb is marked with the suffix -i and person is marked with Set B person markers. When the dependent verb is transitive, the verb is Ø-marked as dependent. With respect to person marking, the hierarchical system is preserved. (33) and (34) illustrate the direct and inverse configurations, respectively. In (33) A is 1 st person and O is 3 rd person. A is the higher ranking participant and is therefore marked on the verb. In (34) A is 3 rd person and O is 18 Definitions of auxiliary verbs are generally language-specific (Heine 1993). The criteria for defining auxiliary verbs in Sierra Popoluca meet those described by Steele et al. (1981:21). fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca 238 1 st person, the higher ranking participant; therefore, O is marked on the verb with Set B proclitic ʔa+. 19 (32) ʔɨch mojo+m ʔa+puʔunyi jeʔm nɨʔɨ=kɨʔɨm ʔɨch moj-W+ʔam ʔa+puʔn-i jeʔm nɨʔ=kɨʔɨm 1pro begin aux -W+alr XB+swim-deP ia that water=in ‘I began to swim in the river.’ (MAB.027) (33) ʔabeesej dya+tyi ʔi+kɨʔɨspa nɨkpa ʔan+ʔáʔm ʔabeesej dya+tyiH ʔi+kɨʔɨs-pa nɨkk-pa ʔan+ʔaʔm-W 2 ʔabeeseh neg+what 3a+eat-inc go aux -inc XA+see-DEP t ‘Sometimes he doesn’t eat anything. I’m going to see him.’ (CNC.055) (34) ʔokmɨ ʔóy ʔa+ʔáʔm ʔa+ʔɨch ʔok-mɨ ʔoy-W ʔa+ʔaʔm-W 2 ʔa+ʔɨch afterwards go/return aux -cmP XB+see-DEP t xb+1Pro ‘Afterwards they went to see me.’ (Partera.004) 3.1.1.1. PLURAL MARKING OF AUXILIARY I DEPENDENT VERBS. Dependent verbs take inflection for person and number; however, unlike independent verbs, dependent verbs in Auxiliary I constructions are inflected with plural enclitics, rather than stress bearing suffixes. We saw in section 2 that verbs are inflected to indicate number agreement of their arguments with the plural suffixes -taʔm ‘1 st and 2 nd person plural’ and –yaj ‘3 rd person plural suffix’. 20 (11) and (13) are repeated here in (35) and (36). (35) ʔarak+wiʔktáʔmpa ʔan+weewej ʔan+ʔak+wiʔk-taʔm-pa ʔan+weewej xa+caus+eat-12PL-inc xa+grandfather ‘We fed my grandfather.’ (MAB.038b) 19 This example is one of few in the corpus of naturally occurring text that shows a higher ranking patient. This story was recorded and transcribed in the summer of 2006, however, its significance was not evident until I began investigating non-finite verbs with the goal of determining their status as compared to finite verbs. 20 The plural marking pattern observed in SP, described as ‘plurality split’ by Smith-Stark (1974) and Corbett (2000), distinguishes between saP/nonsaP and human/nonhuman depending on whether markers agree with nouns, arguments, or possessors (Boudreault 2007). fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
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Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
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Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
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Another fading boundary is that bet
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languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
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Acknowledgments The editors are dee
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Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
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Introduction 4 confined themselves
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Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
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Introduction 8 references boas, fra
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The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
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Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Zapotec Determiners 128 and most at
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Zapotec Determiners 130 do often oc
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Zapotec Determiners 132 The minimal
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Zapotec Determiners 134 (14) (MMC,
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Zapotec Determiners 136 In the text
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Zapotec Determiners 138 b. bɛn gun
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Zapotec Determiners 140 rɛ’ɛbi-
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Zapotec Determiners 142 (29) (LGL,
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Zapotec Determiners 144 APPENDIX: T
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Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 174 On
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 176 (4
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 178
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 184 (1
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