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Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax 45 These three levels of phonological dependence can be taken as reflecting three different types of prosodic arrangements. By arrangement we refer to the manner in which a clitic is incorporated into the accentual structure of its host, since in order to be phonetically realized a word, affix or clitic needs to be part of an accentual unit. Turning to the theory of clitics, as Anderson (2005:46) remarks, “for any given host-plus-clitic combination, there are essentially four formal possibilities as to the prosodic structure that might result from combining them,” whether this is at the level of the Phonological Word (PWd) or the Phonological Phrase (PPh). 13 These structures are shown in Figure 1: Internal Clitic PPh PWd Host Clitic Affixal Clitic PPh PWd PWd Host Clitic PWd Clitic PPh PWd PWd Host Clitic Free Clitic PPh PWd Host Clitic figure 1. Prosodic structures of clitic attachment (Anderson 2005:46) 13 Anderson attributes this observation originally to Selkirk (1995). fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax 46 In the Internal Clitic prosodic structure the clitic becomes part of the same PWd as its host. The high level of phonological dependence of the predicative and attributive connectives on their host as evidenced by phenomena such as stem-final lenition, epenthesis and coalescence, suggests that both of these sets of clitics can be classified as Internal Clitics. An Affixal Clitic prosodic structure is where the clitic joins its host, forming a recursive PWd structure. 14 The possessive clitic and the modifier and locative clitics are, arguably, Affixal Clitics. Since there is no phonological interaction with the host, such as vowel harmony, there is no phonological motivation for analyzing them as being incorporated into the same PWd as their host, and hence, unlike the predicative and attributive connectives, they cannot be analyzed as Internal Clitics. On the other hand, even though they are syllabic and can stand by themselves orthographically, they are not stress bearing and do not have the degree of phonological independence of the clause initial clitics. Thus, they do not constitute an independent PWd and instead are best analyzed as forming a PWd with their PWd host. With a PWd Clitic prosodic structure, the clitic attaches to its host at the level of the PPh as an independent PWd. The clause initial clitics are examples of these since they are word-like in being able to host other clitics, carry secondary stress, are a site for pausing, and are written disjunctively. However, they are still clitics in that they have a fixed order and are phonologically dependent on the first lexical word in the clause, which is the head of the phonological phrase. The subjective dependent pronouns, the remaining set of clitics, appear to be Internal Clitics when they are hosted by a clause initial clitic, but PWd Clitics when they occur independently and, along with any other clause initial clitics, form a prosodic unit with the first lexical word in the clause. By taking into consideration the different prosodic structures of clitic attachment proposed in the theory of clitics, we are able to gain insight into the varied degrees of phonological dependency observed in the Sm’algyax clitics. At the same time, the Sm’algyax clitics provide evidence that Affixal, as well as Internal and PWd Clitics, actually occur in natural language and that properties such as stress placement, the phonological interaction of a clitic with its host, the hosting of other clitics, pausing and orthographic practices in determining word boundaries, can be used to distinguish among the various types of clitics. 2.3. POSITIONING CLITICS IN SM’ALGYAX. In classifying clitics in Sm’algyax we need to consider not only the phonological dimension, but also the morphosyntactic dimension of cliticization—that is, where the different sets of clitics appear. Following Klavans (1980, 1985) and Anderson (1992, 2005), we can characterize the positioning of Sm’algyax clitics in terms of their association with a syntactic domain, their location within this domain and their direction of attachment to their host. What we have seen so far of the positioning of each of the representative sets of clitics can be summarized as shown in Table 3: 14 This structure violates the non-recursivity criterion of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (Selkirk 1984), a point we return to in Section 3.4. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
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Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
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Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
Page 8 and 9: Another fading boundary is that bet
Page 10 and 11: languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
Page 12: Acknowledgments The editors are dee
Page 15 and 16: Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
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Page 19 and 20: Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
Page 21 and 22: Introduction 8 references boas, fra
Page 23 and 24: The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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Page 47 and 48: Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
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Page 71 and 72: Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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Page 105 and 106: The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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124 fieldwork and linguistic analys
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Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Zapotec Determiners 128 and most at
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Zapotec Determiners 130 do often oc
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Zapotec Determiners 132 The minimal
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Zapotec Determiners 134 (14) (MMC,
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Zapotec Determiners 136 In the text
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Zapotec Determiners 138 b. bɛn gun
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Zapotec Determiners 140 rɛ’ɛbi-
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Zapotec Determiners 142 (29) (LGL,
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Zapotec Determiners 144 APPENDIX: T
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Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 174 On
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 176 (4
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 180 5
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 190 Th
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 198 co
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 200 RE
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 202 Pe
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Gemination and Tonal Feet in Welede
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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca
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